tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-20222011953379833972024-03-14T05:30:02.232-07:00The IT LawyerFor All Students of IT Law: A Blog from the Author of Information Technology Law: The Law and Society 3rd EditionAndrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.comBlogger154125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-57005652949925702572017-07-06T02:00:00.000-07:002017-07-07T07:15:28.564-07:00Mireille Hildebrandt on Law As Computation in the Era of Artificial Legal Intelligence Speaking Law to the Power of Statistics <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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Last night I had the pleasure of acting as a discussant, along with Daithi Mac Sithigh, on Mireille Hildebrandt's forthcoming paper <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2983045">Law As Computation in the Era of Artificial Legal Intelligence Speaking Law to the Power of Statistics</a> as well as her Chorley Lecture Paper <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1468-2230.12165/abstract">Law as Information in the Era of Data-Driven Agency</a>. The event was hosted by City Law School as part of its <a href="https://www.city.ac.uk/law/research/globallaw@city">Global Law@City</a> programme. The evening was a great success.<br />
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The text of my response is below. <br />
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<h3>
Response</h3>
<i>They could be staring us in the face and we just don’t recognise them. The problem is that we’re looking for something very much like us; assuming that they at least have something like the same mathematics and technology…I suspect there could be life and intelligence out there in forms we can’t conceive. Just as a chimpanzee can’t understand quantum theory, it could be there are aspects of reality that are beyond the capacity of our brains.</i><br />
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These are the words of <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/science/space/7289507/Royal-astronomer-Aliens-may-be-staring-us-in-the-face.html">Lord Martin Rees</a>, Former President of the Royal Society and current Astronomer Royal following a conference in January 2010 entitled The Detection of Extra-terrestrial Life and the Consequences for Science and Society.<br />
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Why open my remarks on Professor Hildebrandt’s thought-provoking paper and discussion by reference to alien intelligence and the Astronomer Royal? Well it strikes me that the first thing we must observe is that intelligence may not look like us, may not sound like us and more directly to address Professor Hildebrandt’s thesis, may not identify the same speech acts as we do whether locutionary, illocutionary or perlocutionary.<br />
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This I believe is the underpinning of the first section of Professor Hildebrandt’s paper. When she talks of Holmes’ famous quote that “the life of the law has not been logic; it has been experience” and from this draws distinction between logic and statistics she is talking of differences not commonalities. All too often when we think of artificial intelligence we think of digitised versions of human brains, us only smarter, quicker, more objective, more precise, more logical. However why should artificial intelligence be human plus, why should it understand our language, our culture or our society? <br />
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This raises a complex set of questions for us to address as we seek to determine how artificial legal intelligence may interface with human legal experts and practitioners; and with legal rules and norms. To analyse all the implications of this would not be possible within fifteen years much less fifteen minutes so I will restrict my comments to what I see as the central issue raised by Professor Hildebrandt’s paper and discussion: Legal Certainty v Legal Uncertainty and Computation. <br />
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<h4>
Legal Certainty v Legal Uncertainty</h4>
Professor Hildebrandt makes a number of key observations in this area.<br />
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First that legal certainty “is a matter of statistics rather than logic, of experience and learning rather than framers’ intention or literal textual interpretation. This implies that legal certainty is dynamic and requires hard work to be sustained. If this is done well, the uncertainty that grounds legal certainty is not a drawback but an asset, it makes sure that legal certainty does not trump justice and instrumentality.”<br />
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To those of us trained in a Common Law background this is apparent. As Lord Mance said in the <a href="https://www.supremecourt.uk/docs/speech_111011.pdf">Oxford Shrieval lecture</a> in 2011:<br />
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Certainty in the law is highly desirable, but the law must discriminate, sometimes narrowly, between different circumstances. It has in recent years had also, and increasingly, to look to the context and consequences of the language used and decisions reached.</blockquote>
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As he explains:<br />
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there is no longer any pretence that the common law has been fixed since time immemorial, or as stated by Lord Reid in <a href="http://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/sptlns12&div=10&id=&page=">The Judge as Law Maker</a> that ‘There was a time when it was thought indecent to suggest that judges make law - they only declare it, but we do not believe in fairy tales any more.’</blockquote>
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Thus despite the historic fiction of the “declaratory” view of the common law that it has never changed, and that the judges have merely revealed it from time to time, our modern understanding of Legal Certainty in the Common Law is as understood by Lord Goff in <i><a href="https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld199798/ldjudgmt/jd981029/klein03.htm">Kleinwort Benson Ltd. v. Mayor etc. of the London Borough of Southwark and Others</a></i> judicial development of the common law is inevitable, for, otherwise, “the common law would be the same now as it was in the reign of King Henry II”.<br />
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Professor Hildebrandt observes that “uncertainty is inherent in what Herbert Hart famously described as the open texture of fundamental legal concepts.” She further refers to Neil MacCormick, who points out that “law is an argumentative discipline and no analytic theory of what law is and what distinguishes legal systems from other systems of governance can afford to ignore this aspect of our legal practice, and the distinctive role it plays in a legal system.”<br />
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This, Hildebrandt observes is an application of speech act theory (which it is): “Law as information must, therefore, be understood as referring to law as a coherent web of speech acts that inform the consequences of our actions, itself informed by the triple tenets of legal certainty, justice and instrumentality that hold together jurisdiction, community and instrumentality.”<br />
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However it also reflects something else: it reflects the complexity of the legal settlement within a wider framework of regulatory governance. This is a theme touched upon by my colleagues <a href="https://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/wps/WPS15-2007BlackandBaldwin.pdf">Rob Baldwin</a> and <a href="http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/23103/1/WPS2008-13.pdf">Julia Black</a> frequently over the years, perhaps none more so than in Baldwin’s classic article <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1468-2230.1990.tb01815.x/epdf">Why Rules Don't Work</a>. As John Braithwaite explains in his 2002 paper <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=329400">Rules and Principles </a>“by increasing the reliance we can place on a part of the law we reduce the reliability of the law as a whole.”<br />
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What does Braithwaite mean by this? Well as Rob Baldwin explains rules are drafted and argued about in legal texts without working through how compliance with them is secured in regulatory practice by police, administrative agencies, private litigants and even courts. When flux is great it can be obvious that radically abandoning the precision of rules can allow regulators to increase certainty.<br />
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To place this into Jurisprudential terms (as Braithwaite does) “Hart points out that rules have a core meaning and a penumbra where their meaning is more uncertain. The more complex and changing the phenomenon being regulated, the wider that penumbra is likely to be; indeed in the most difficult contexts the penumbra of uncertainty swallows up the core creating large numbers of laws that are never enforced.”<br />
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What does this mean for Hildebrandt’s analysis? She goes on to discuss “Law as computation” and in particular “computation, feedback and performance”. Here two important aspects of Machine Learning are discussed. The first is that Machine Learning is built upon data processing and that data is different from information, which requires meaning. As Hildebrandt says:<br />
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Neither in the case of organisms nor in the case of intelligent machines does information necessarily imply the attribution of meaning, as it may in the case of humans. Machines work with signs, they do not speak human language; they ‘live’ in a ‘world’ made of hardware and software, data and code. Their perception is limited to machine-readable data; their cognition is based on computation and manipulation of signs, not on generating meaning (though we may attribute meaning to their output and/or their behaviour).</blockquote>
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Secondly and more importantly for my argument:<br />
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The idea [of Machine Learning] is simple: to reach its goals the system must reduce uncertainty about the effects of its own behaviour. To reduce such uncertainty it probes its environment and processes the feedback, reconfiguring its processing algorithms until its goal is reached. </blockquote>
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This leads to the conclusion that “the reliability of Machine Learning depends on a number of inevitable trade-offs, notably between volume, relevance, completeness, accuracy and correctness of the training dataset, the dimensionality and aptitude of the hypotheses space, the time taken for iterant testing, and the availability of the relevant domain expertise.”<br />
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This places Machine Learning in direct opposition to Braithwaite’s thesis that “As the complexity, flux and the size of regulated economic interests increase, certainty progressively moves from being positively associated with the specificity of the acts mandated by rules to being negatively associated with rule specificity.”<br />
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As Braithwaite says “When the type of action to be regulated is simple, stable (not changing unpredictably across time) and does not involve huge economic interests, rules regulate with greater certainty than principles.” Braithwaite argues convincingly “most of the things we do in life are simple, stable patterns of action where simple, stable rules can provide us with admirable reliance as to what our legal obligations are.” Thus when we are dealing with simple actions such as the regulation of driving and road traffic or rules relating to qualification for social security, housing or health and safety at work, rules are to be preferred.<br />
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However once when enter Hart’s penumbra where meaning becomes less certain then for Braithwaite in “complex actions in changing environments where large economic interests are at stake principles are more likely to enable legal certainty than rules.”<br />
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How is this possible?<br />
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For Braithwaite there are a number of reasons for this. One is in cases where the regulated activity involves transitional arrangements (such as the regulation of technology) “the regulation of transitional technologies like telecommunications requires “redefinable terms” in rules. What a telephone means today may be something quite different tomorrow.” Another is economic stakes: “by playing the penumbra game, even laws that regulate simple, stable phenomena can be rendered complex.”<br />
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For myself though the most important factor recalls professor Hildebrandt’s speech act theory analysis. As Braithwaite explains:<br />
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Flux is a particularly important here. The penumbra of simple rules that regulate stable phenomena is small. It does exist as in Lon Fuller’s example of a statue of a truck in a park where vehicles are prohibited. The unforeseen rare event of the failure to encompass the truck statue in the rule will never cause great problems in regulating the static phenomenon of parks. But in dynamic domains like tax, uncommon things like concrete trucks can be rendered common by gameplaying investors seeking a tax advantage. </blockquote>
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What does this mean for the application of Machine Learning to legal decision-making?<br />
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Well while, as <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2767835">Benjamin Alarie</a> has informed us, algorithms get right 98% of the time the answer to the question is a person an employee or an independent contractor? (This is better than the human lawyers who trained the algorithms) <br />
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This is achieved by reducing the question to a series of algorithmic rules; the removal of uncertainty to reach a certain outcome. Braithwaite though would argue that what is being achieved here is an application of the rules as they are; there is no accounting for flux here. The machine is being asked a static question – is this person an employee or an independent contractor? For Braithwaite this is a type 1 scenario – an action that is simple, stable and does not involve huge economic interests. However the slightest tweak to the stable scenario being tested – a global company such as Uber with in excess of 1 million drivers and an economic imperative to classify them as independent contractors changes the settlement. Now it is a type 2 case one where “complex actions in changing environments where large economic interests are at stake”. Now the economic interests seek to game the system. In response the state enacts more and more rules to plug loopholes opened up by legal entrepreneurs. The thicket of rules we end up with becomes a set of sign-posts that show the legal entrepreneur precisely what they have to steer around to defeat the purposes of the law – or more simply the algorithmic model needed to ensure with 98% certainty that the law can be defeated.<br />
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Virtual Courtrooms, Virtual Warfare, Virtual Law</h4>
If one takes a pessimistic view of the future we end up with the worst form of legal settlement: one without Legal Certainty and without the Rule of Law. This is made up the final elements of Hildebrandt’s article: (1) The opacity of Machine Learning; (2) The shift from reason to statistics, and form argumentation to simulation; and (3) judgemental atrophy.<br />
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If we imagine the Uber scenario operationalized through legal machine learning then we get to the positin where Uber pay a legal consultancy firm millions of dollars to model the perfect scenario where Uber drivers are classified as independent contractors. Meanwhile regulators (including governments) model their own scenarios where the drivers are classified as employees. Millions of dollars on both sides goes into algorithmic modelling and all of the models are protected by IPRs and trade secrecy. We go from argumentation in open court to virtual battles modelled by algorithmic processes hidden from view. If this were to be allowed to occur it would breach at least two of Raz’s principles “All law should be prospective, open and clear” and “The making of laws should be guided by clear rules”. Arguably it may also breach two more “Laws should be relatively stable” and “The principles of natural justice should be observed.” It would also breach Bingham’s first sub-rule “The law must be accessible and, so far as possible, intelligible, clear and predictable”. Finally it seems to be in breach of Lord Chief Justice Hewart’s famous dictum in <i><a href="http://johnhemming.blogspot.co.uk/2011/04/r-v-sussex-justices-ex-p-mccarthy-1924.html">R v Sussex Justices, ex p McCarthy</a></i> that “it is of fundamental importance that justice should not only be done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be done.”<br />
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But why would we allow such a position to develop? It is the result of a number of issues raised by Hildebrandt and Braithwaite mixed with a variation of Hildebrandt’s judgemental atrophy argument. <br />
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There is currently what I would describe as a fetish or perhaps religious fervour surrounding the twin tenets of “big data processing” and “algorithmic regulation or governance”. There seems to be a belief that the marrying of large datasets and algorithmic processing is the answer to almost any question or problem.<br />
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Luke Dormehl in his book <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/B00H4EM53U/ref=dp-kindle-redirect?_encoding=UTF8&btkr=1">The Formula</a> introduces us to a new definition of self: “the quantified self”. This is the modern self who seeks to quantify decisions: an offshoot of computing power which allows us to crunch numbers very quickly through algorithms. The Quantified Self movement casts its aspirations in bold philosophical terms, promising devotees ‘self knowledge through numbers’. Taking the positivist view of verification and empiricism, and combining this with a liberal dose of technological determinism, the Quantified Self movement begs the existential question of what kind of self can possibly exist that is unable to be number-crunched using the right algorithms?”<br />
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<a href="https://www.ft.com/content/50bb4830-6a4c-11e6-ae5b-a7cc5dd5a28c?mhq5j=e2">Yuval Noah Harari</a> develops the religious metaphor:<br />
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Just as divine authority was legitimised by religious mythologies, and human authority was legitimised by humanist ideologies, so high-tech gurus and Silicon Valley prophets are creating a new universal narrative that legitimises the authority of algorithms and Big Data. This novel creed may be called “Dataism”. In its extreme form, proponents of the Dataist worldview perceive the entire universe as a flow of data, see organisms as little more than biochemical algorithms and believe that humanity’s cosmic vocation is to create an all-encompassing data-processing system — and then merge into it.</blockquote>
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This movement, the belief that perfect justice can be achieved through algorithmic modelling, will lead to the scenario described. It is probable that law will be reduced to algorithmic profiles in much the same way the Google has reduced library cataloguing of information.<br />
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Duelling algorithms will take place of duelling advocates but vitally without human experience, language, logic or culture and with a root in rules rather than principles.<br />
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This leads to the final depressing outcome. As Hildebrandt notes “domain experts may fall prey to gradual deskilling” and argues that it is important that “As law evolves, the software should evolve, and this is where lawyers must come in to make sure fundamental legal principles are taken into account.”<br />
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However I fear deskilling may not be gradual. I identify three phases of transference of knowledge from human to machine. The first assisted decision-making occurs where digital technology replaces a previous analogue technology or artefact to make our decision-making process simpler. This is a world we clearly already live in. The next phase is supplementary decision-making. This takes place when technology offers us information or processes, which simply were not available before the widespread adoption of digital technologies. This is a world we are now entering. The third phase is autonomous decision-making. This is in the near future where algorithms make decisions without human intervention: this is the world described here.<br />
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At each of the first two stages we have willingly handed over decision-making autonomy to machines and we will do the same at stage three. I already see students coming through who cannot locate case law except through a search engine or legal database; students who cannot understand the rules of grammar except as enforced by Microsoft Word. Deskilling is happening already.<br />
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Final words</h4>
A conflict in values is nearby. The church of Dataism looks to exert control and influence over every aspect of our lives as surely as the Medieval Church did over the lives of its congregations. The Church of Dataism is if anything though much more powerful and influential than the Medieval Church ever was. In Medieval England you could choose to ignore the teachings of the Church in private but Dataism will affect every aspect of our lives from education to transport to law to health care. And the impact of its teachings will be in the very environment itself: to use Lessig’s famous term its code will be law. On the other side sits what I may call the legal luddites. They believe in the rule of law, the value of principles over rules, language, culture, history and logic over statistics. Can both be accommodated in the legal future? Perhaps but the fundamental ideological differences between the two churches give me pause for concern.<br />
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I thank Professor Hildebrandt for her thought-provoking contribution to the debate.<br />
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<br />Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com39tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-43765261090409314732017-04-19T09:48:00.000-07:002017-04-19T09:48:03.461-07:00Submission to the UK Parliamentary Inquiry: Children and Young People's Mental Health - The Role of Education<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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I recently submitted expert evidence to the UK Parliamentary Inquiry: Children and Young People's Mental Health - The Role of Education alongside two colleagues <a href="https://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/subjects/phd_students/bernard-keenan.htm">Bernard Keenan</a> of the LSE and <a href="http://www.coedu.usf.edu/it/faculty.php">Professor Nathan Fisk</a> of the University of South Florida. The text of our submission is below or the original can be accessed <a href="http://data.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/committeeevidence.svc/evidencedocument/health-committee/children-and-young-peoples-mental-healththe-role-of-education/written/45641.pdf">here</a>.<br />
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<span style="font-family: "arial"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;">Written evidence </span><span style="font-family: "arial"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;">from Professor Andrew Murray, Professor Nathan Fisk and Mr. Bernard Keenan (CMH0114)</span></div>
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<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 14.11pt; padding-left: 3.74pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Andrew Murray is Professor of Law at the London Sc</span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a><span style="font-size: 12pt;">hool of </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Economics. His areas of research expertise are the law and regulation relating to online activity, including the protection of children online.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 14.11pt; padding-left: 3.89pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Nathan Fisk is an Assistant Professor within the Colle</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ge of Education at the University of South Florida. His areas of research expertise are youth, digital citizenship, and Internet safety, focusing on the critical analysis of policies and curricula intended to protect youth online.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 14.11pt; padding-left: 3.89pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Bernard Keenan is a PhD C</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">andidate and Part-time Teacher in the Department of Law, London School of Economics. His research expertise is in </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">communication </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">surveillance and abuse of power.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 14.11pt; padding-left: 3.89pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">This submission is made in our personal capacity and the views expressed should not be attribu</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ted to our employers.</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;">Introduction</span></div>
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<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 14.11pt; padding-left: 3.89pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">We welcome this inquiry. Statistics released by the ONS in October 2015 (Insights into </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Children’s Mental H</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ealth and </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">W</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ell-being) unpleasantly reveal that 1 in 8 children aged 10 to 15 reported symptoms of mental ill-hea</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">lth in 2011 to 2012; being bullied was strongly related to mental ill-health; children who were bullied frequently were 4 times more likely to report a high or very high score; and children who spent over 3 hours on social websites on a normal school night</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> were more than twice as likely to report a high or very high score as children spending less time on social websites.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 14.11pt; padding-left: 3.89pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">It is our belief that education has a vital role to play in tackling the problem of increased instances of anxiety, depression and condu</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ct disorders among children and young people.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 14.11pt; padding-left: 3.89pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">However, we were concerned by evidence given by the Health Secretary, the Rt. Hon. Jeremy Hunt MP, to the Health Select Committee on 29 November 2016, during which he made three provocative statements surround</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ing the best way to address the issue of rising suicide rates among young people. The statements were:</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span></li>
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<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 46.52pt; padding-left: 7.48pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt;">There should be a “crackdown on cyberbullying by the technology industry via the introduction of software that can detect when it is happening”.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 46.52pt; padding-left: 7.48pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt;">That “s</span><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt;">ocial media companies need to step up to the plate and show us how they can be the solution to the issue of mental ill health amongst teenagers, and not the cause of the problem.</span><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt;">”</span><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt;"></span></li>
<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 46.52pt; padding-left: 7.48pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt;">“Why we can’t identify cyberbullying when it happens on social media platfo</span><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt;">rms by word pattern recognition, and then prevent it happening. I think there are a lot of things where social media companies could put options in their software that could reduce the risks associated with social </span><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt;">media, and I do think that is something wh</span><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt;">ich they should actively pursue in a way that hasn’t happened to date.”</span></li>
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<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 14.11pt; padding-left: 3.89pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">We use the term “platform solutions” to describe the Health Secretary’s statements. In short, he suggests that the problems of bullying, development and mental health amongst children </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">and young people can be addressed through technical means embedded in the coding of the platforms that they use to communicate. The implication is that platforms are currently a source of the problem, but that if legally compelled to do so, they could be r</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">edesigned as the solution.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 14.11pt; padding-left: 3.89pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">We believe that this approach is </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">deeply </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">misguided. We favour education-based solutions over and against platform solutions, for the reasons set out below in three sections.</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;">Platforms are not Panacea: Addressing the Condition</span></div>
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<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">B</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">oth children and adults use online social platforms to fulfil basic social needs, all the more so when those needs are not being met through</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> their </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">interactions with the local community.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> Individuals experiencing forms of isolation, disempowerment, or oppression in their everyday lives will often reach out to communities of support online, often in highly positive ways. The assumption, then, that it is technology, rather than social condit</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ions, that produce mental health problems is fundamentally flawed, and policy interventions that seek a technological fix to these problems will fail to address the underlying social issues that produce vulnerable individuals. </span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Similarly, issues</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> with viol</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ence among youth, whether those be characterized as bullying, cyberbullying, drama, or harassment are fundamentally social problems. Research by David Olw</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">eus and Nathan Fisk has shown that the broad majority of “cyberbullying” problems are grounded in ever</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">yday, local, offline interactions. While new technologies undoubtedly extend and provide opportunities for new forms of abuse, these are most frequently experienced by youth as part of a broader pattern of abuse that blur the distinctions between “online“ </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">and “offline” harassment.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">F</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">aced with</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">perceived surveillance,</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> children </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">often</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> move to new platforms or otherwise develop workarounds in order to protect the</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ir privacy</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">, as demonstrated by the migration of adolescents from Facebook to online social platforms a</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">nd applications that afford more anonymous modes of communication and tools for audience control</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">This will serve to further drive forms of online interaction between youth into spaces </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">that</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> are unfamiliar to adults, making it more difficult for parents and educators to engage in forms of more community-based supervision.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">I</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">n the absence of strong forms of online identification, legislation moving to require algorithmic</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> detection of abusive be</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">haviour would impact all apps and pages allowing social interaction</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">. This would broadly impact the future development and operation of social platforms, in addition to raising clear privacy concerns for all Internet users,</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">while doing little to</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> directly</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> ad</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">dress problems of violence among youth.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"></span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Algorithmically s</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">urveilling</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">, censoring, and policing the online communications of young people</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> in the absence of meaningful discussion about appropriate behavior with adults</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> will serve to further disempower</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> them</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">, li</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">kely contributing to the very conditions that produce abusive and violent behaviours</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"></span></li>
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<span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;">Normalisation of Surveillance: Paternalism vs. Development</span></div>
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<ol start="15" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">S</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">hould the government follow the advice of the Health Secretary and recommend that platform providers such </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">as Facebook or Instagram, or Instant Messaging providers such as Snapchat or Whatsapp be tasked to “step up to the plate and show us how they can be the solution to the issue of mental ill health amongst teenagers” and to “identify cyberbullying [or simila</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">r] when it happens on social media platforms by word pattern recognition, and then prevent it happening”</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">,</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">it</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> would normalise a pattern of surveillance and paternalistic intervention among young people impeding normal development of social and communicative</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> skills.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Normalising surveillance has been demonstrated to have a behavioural impact on both adults and students. Perhaps most famously the philosopher Michael Foucault observed “the Panopticon</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> functions as a kind of laboratory of power. Thanks to its mechanisms of observation, it gains in efficiency and in the ability to penetrate into men’s behaviour.” Foucault observed further the ability of surveillance (referred to as the panoptic) to have </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">a mass influence: “Whenever one is dealing with a multiplicity of individuals on whom a task or a particular form of behaviour must be imposed, the panoptic schema may be used.”</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Although Foucault is not without critique it was observed by David Lyon that “</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">to participate in modern society is to be under electronic surveillance” and by John Edward Campbell and Matt Carlson that the modern internet society functions similarly to the Panopticon noting that “the Panopticon and Internet servers each employ techno</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">logies of information gathering and aggregation in a methodic effort to appraise individuals and populations for various purposes of control.” </span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">In this instance, the use of platform solutions presents two ideas of what children are. On one hand, they are </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">viewed as inherently vulnerable, needing protection from one another. On the other hand, they are simultaneously potential anti-social threats to one another’s mental health, and accordingly must be closely policed and censored. In order to implement such </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">a solution, the complexity of each individual child’s </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">communicative </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">behaviour would be </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">analysed and reductively categorised</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> in order to </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">registered</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> as </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">“</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">harmful</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">”</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> or </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">“</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">not harmful</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">”</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">,</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> “normal” or “abnormal”, and so on, introducing the possibility of intervention</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> and censorship;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">while also creating the potential for data to agglomerate over time, profiling and categorising each child.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">The definition of what counts as “normal” or “abnormal” should not be delegated to algorithmic systems, nor should it be a decisio</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">n taken remotely by policy makers or, more likely, private platform operators.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">The impact of surveillance on students has also been recorded by Shane Dawson, Bruce Burnett and Felicity McArdle in their 2005 paper “(2005) Watching Learning From Behind Close</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">d Doors: The Impact of Surveillance on Student Online </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Behaviour.” There they observed that their study demonstrated “that student behaviours are influenced by techniques of surveillance.”</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">It is clear that the process of </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">algorithmically surveilling</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> childre</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">n and young people is likely to have great impact on their </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">overall development and everyday lives</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">. While we are strongly in favour of suitable adult supervision of children when allied to development we believe this is best achieved </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">programs which emphasiz</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">e education and foster open lines of communication between young people, parents, and civic communities</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">. A programme of mass, unresponsive and unreflexive supervision by platforms will not allow children the developmental opportunities they need to grow as</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> citizens</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">, online and off</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">It is not clear how such a programme would aid in the development or good mental health of children and young people. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Providing young people with access to spaces that afford what technology law scholar Julie Cohen has described</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> as the “structural conditions of human flourishing” is arguably key to their development. Such spaces inherently provide the capacity for forms of cultural and identity play, and, if they are monitored at all, provide a degree of operational transparency </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">surrounding the collection and use of their data. An automated monitoring program would serve only to chill online communication and play, while limiting opportunities to hold meaningful conversations with young people about their problems related to menta</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">l health.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">The </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">approach seemingly suggested by the Health Secretary w</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ould be detrimental to childhood development and positive mental health and wellbeing. Platform regulation is not responsive, granular or reflexive. It would be paternalistic, in the worst</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> sense of that word.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">While it is the role of parents/guardians, teachers and in some circumstances the state, to act paternalistically towards children and young people it is important for development that such paternalism does not stifle independence and</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> learning through experience. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Of course children are almost always under some form of surveillance or another, but the form and quality of the care that it provides them is critically important.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">While today most discussions of paternalism depart from the traditional argument, based upon Mill, that all paternalism may be seen as an interference with autonomy, most subscribe to the position held by Gerald Dworkin that paternalistic interventions may</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> be seen as “pure” – wherein the class of persons whose freedom is restricted is identical with the class of persons whose benefit is intended to be promoted by such restrictions and “impure” – wherein in trying to protect the welfare of a class of persons</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> we find that the only way to do so will involve restricting the freedom of other persons besides those who are benefitted.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">While it may be that direct platform regulation may be pure in relation </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">to suicide</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> prevention many other forms of general interventi</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">on such as against bullying, the use of bad (or even abusive) language or other forms of common offline activity practiced in the online world, would be classified by Dworkin as impure.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">As Dworkin</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> warns “In all cases of paternalistic legislation there must be a heavy and clear burden of proof placed on the authorities to demonstrate the exact nature of the harmful effects (or beneficial consequences) to be avoided (or achieved) and the probability </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">of their occurrence.” This is particularly the case where the state intervenes in a paternalistic fashion to charge private citizens (platform providers) with a paternalistic (one may even say loco parentis) role to which they are ill suited.</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;">The Problem</span><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;"> of Private Regulation: The Role of Platforms</span></div>
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<ol start="28" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">If the lead of the Health Secretary were to be adopted as policy this would have the additional effect of privatising the regulation of the developmental sphere of children and young people. While we acknowled</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ge this is already the case with platform providers adopting policies on acceptable content and behaviour we are concerned about government requiring platform providers to “code in” certain standards and filters.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">This risks the creation of state mandated,</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> but privately ordered, “filter bubbles” within which our children will grow and develop. As Eli Pariser observes filter bubbles “close us off to new ideas, subjects, and important information” and “create the impression that our narrow self-interest is al</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">l that exist.” These are potentially harmful to self-development, autonomy and self-realisation and could have a potentially harmful effect on the mental health and wellbeing of children and young people.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">The companies implementing these filter bubbles wi</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">ll be private companies remote from the educational environment in which children may contextualise their online experiences with advice and guidance from teachers and parents/guardians. The main companies likely to be asked to provide these services inclu</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">de Facebook (who own Instagram and Whatsapp), Apple, Google and Snap Inc. (owners of Snapchat) all based in California. It seems unlikely a contextual educational experience allowing children in England & Wales to develop as online citizens would be possib</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">le in such an environment where the key regulator is remote.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Additionally as Boudreau and Hagiu hypothesise</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">,</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> platform regulators will be compromised by competing values. While they may be able to (in the words of the Health Secretary in his evidence to th</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">e Health Select Committee “do really smart things”, they will also </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">be distorted away from pure value creation in the ecosystem, towards actions that lead to higher platform profits. None of this is in the best educational, developmental or mental health in</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">terests of children and young people.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">It is crucial that the Committee recognises that the Health Secretary’s </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">proposed platform solutions do not only concern the behaviour and mental health of children and young people. They also represent the marketizatio</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">n of those things in a manner that will not end the problem of cyberbullying or the underlying causes of mental health problems, but will nonetheless create an avenue through which both can be exploited for profit.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: 12pt; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">We conclude by referring to Dworkin that</span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> in any intervention, especially interventions into the education and development of children and young people the Government, and Parliament, should adopt the </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">principle of the least restrictive alternative. If there is an alternative way of accomplishing </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">the desired end without restricting liberty although it may involve great expense, inconvenience, etc., society must adopt it. In this case we strongly support and advocate educational programmes over any form of platform regulation.</span></li>
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-43795761405518388152017-04-19T09:37:00.002-07:002017-04-19T09:38:13.204-07:00The Problem of Fake News<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://cbsnews3.cbsistatic.com/hub/i/r/2016/11/17/8122e069-27b1-4571-a29d-07c2577a9705/thumbnail/1200x630/35a41232723e5a4df418eb8dce561ec3/1117-cbsn-dwk-trumpfakenews-1182468-640x360.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="105" src="https://cbsnews3.cbsistatic.com/hub/i/r/2016/11/17/8122e069-27b1-4571-a29d-07c2577a9705/thumbnail/1200x630/35a41232723e5a4df418eb8dce561ec3/1117-cbsn-dwk-trumpfakenews-1182468-640x360.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>
In February Mark Leiser who is studying for his PhD at the University of Strathclyde under my supervision submitted evidence to the UK Parliament's Culture, Media and Sport Committee inquiry into 'fake news'.<br />
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The full text makes for interesting reading:<br />
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<span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;">Written evidence submitted by Mark </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;">Leiser</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: bold;"> (FNW0035)</span></div>
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<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 12.89pt; padding-left: 4.96pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Mark </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Leiser</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> is a Teaching Fellow at the University of Strathclyde. I also contribute to the teaching at the London School of Economics and </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Science</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">s</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Po</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> in Paris. My areas of research expertise are the law and regulation relating to online activity, including the effects of dis and misinformation </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">carried by</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> digitally mediated platforms (DMPs).</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 12.89pt; padding-left: 4.96pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">For the past three years, I have been applying insights from</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> psychology to understand user behaviour in the online environment. I have been researching how rumours, deception, commercial and political speech spreads via Internet users across DMPs.</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">I am </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">an academic researcher </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">uniquely </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">focus</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ing</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> on regulatory measures</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> for </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">controlling the spread of deception across </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">the online </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">environment;</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> my submissions provide a legal and regulatory take on the fake news phenomenon and remedies where appropriate.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 12.89pt; padding-left: 5.11pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">I have made this submission in my personal capacity and please do not ma</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ke any attribution of the views expressed to my employers.</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt; font-weight: bold;">Introduction</span></div>
<ol start="4" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 12.89pt; padding-left: 5.11pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">I welcome this inquiry into “fake news” and other forms of deceptive communications across DMPs. Deceptive communications comes in many forms, but I will limit my submissions to the i</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ssue of “fake news”. The electorate and politicians alike have become acutely aware of the perceived threat of fake news; they want to </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">allev</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">iate</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> concerns about this threat to democracy. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">The outcome of t</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">he American Presidential election between Donald Trum</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">p and Hillary Rodham Clinton was a shock to the system; </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">pollsters</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">, politicians and the press all expected a different outcome and began searching earnestly for answers as to how the Trump team was able to defy all of their expectations. The undercurrent of</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> suspicion that foreign states interfered with the American election exacerbates this concern.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 12.89pt; padding-left: 5.11pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">In this background, ‘fake </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">n</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ews’ has become an easy scapegoat for the outcome of the election and the buzz term of 2017. According </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">to the Financial Times</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">, locals from a single Macedonian village ran more than 100 pro-Trump news </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">sites </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">while earning substantial revenue from online ad</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">vert</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">s. This has raised valid concerns that that a tiny group of teenagers influenced the outcome of the election of the most po</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">werful nation state in the world.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 12.89pt; padding-left: 5.11pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">I have frame</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">d</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> the problem of fake news for the purposes of my submissions as follows: </span></li>
</ol>
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<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 45.83pt; padding-left: 8.17pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">There are increasing financial and economic incentives to publish deceptive, fake and provoking stories for commercial gain</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> on social</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> media platforms found in the online environment</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 45.83pt; padding-left: 8.17pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">These stories are ‘liked’, viewed, and shared more </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">frequently </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">than real news stories published by legitimate news organisation</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">s</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">. Increasing</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">ly</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> research suggests that people can and will change their politic</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">al opinions based on what they read on social media</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> platforms</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">. This is in </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">part due to the growing distrust among the population </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">of mainstream</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">media</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">, politicians and the</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">government.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 45.83pt; padding-left: 8.17pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">A variety of psychological traits inclines us to seek out information that</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> matches our worldview. Publishers of fake news </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">write</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">headlines, by-lines, and/or present it in an editorial style</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> that elicits an emotional reaction from its reader, increasing the likelihood that readers will share the story. </span></li>
<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 45.83pt; padding-left: 8.17pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">Often the purpose of the </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">story is to start an informational cascade amongst readers, with the aim of increasing web traffic to the source site. Other times, the motives are purely political and the propagator wishes to spread a deceptive news story to bring about a favourable poli</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">tical outcome that would not have been possible without the deception or its dissemination across social media.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 45.83pt; padding-left: 8.17pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">The Internet is</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">, at present,</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> the world’s most efficient communication system</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> and </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">facilitat</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">es</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> the mass-dissemination of information (good and bad</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">) instantaneously across the globe </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">often exacerbating a</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">ny effective regulatory oversight. Sharing fake news can lead to an instantaneous viral-like contagion </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">with news spreading across </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">user</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"> accounts, their timelines, and news feeds.</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;"></span></li>
<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 45.83pt; padding-left: 8.17pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">We live in a society </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">that values a free and impartial press and cherishes the importance of free expression. Both are forms of speech protected under various international Human Rights frameworks of which the UK is a signatory. </span></li>
<li style="font-family: Symbol; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 45.83pt; padding-left: 8.17pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">Any attempt to regulate political speech will b</span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">e subject to legal challenge and raise valid questions about transparency and accountability for private and public bodies alike removing “news” from the Internet.</span></li>
</ul>
<ol start="7" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 12.89pt; padding-left: 5.11pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Collectively, this means any attempts to regulate political speech would be subject to chall</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">enge in our domestic courts, and at both the ECtHR and the </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">CJEU</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. With the problem of ‘fake news’ endangering various topics, it is of particular importance when it affects news, reputation, political communication or other topics relevant for a contemporar</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">y and political public sphere. A study from June 2016 suggests more UK citizens get their news from social media than traditional media outlets. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Analysts expect this number to</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> increase in both the short and long-term. A recent study has shown that 62% of U</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">S citizens get their news via social media, yet the influence of voter decisions is unclear, there is some evidence that fake news has affected a small percentage of the electorate. Accordingly, </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">in narrow electoral campaigns, g</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">overnments are right to see f</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ake news as a potential threat to democracy. The challenge is not over-regulating political speech in contradiction with our rights-based regimes.</span></li>
</ol>
<div style="font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt; font-weight: bold;">Primary Submissions</span></div>
<ol start="8" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 12.89pt; padding-left: 5.11pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">There is at least </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt; font-style: italic;">prima facie</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> evidence that other nation states have attempted to influence elections through the deployment of fake and deceptive propaganda. Introducing deceptive communications into the political biosphere reduces trust in the online environment. This has the poten</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">tial to disrupt the business model of social media companies. When regulators incentivise them to tackle the problem of fake news, they can distance themselves from censoring directly news disseminating across social media platforms.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 12.89pt; padding-left: 5.11pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Unlike traditional fo</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">rms of journalism, that fall under standalone regulatory bodies (whether self- or co-regulation) </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">such as the</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Independent Press Standards Organisation (IPSO), Ofcom, and the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA), it appears the </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">g</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">overnment has opted to use a</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> variety of ‘soft’ measures to address the problem</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> of fake news. However, it is my submission that t</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">he problem is </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">far more </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">complex. Never before have regulators opted to assess the quality of a news story in binary: is this story true or false? Historical</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ly, the combination of the press’s self-regulatory model (whether publication was ethically sound) and the threat of defamation lawsuits to ensure best practices regarding publication </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">have </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">validate</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">d</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> and authenticate</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">d</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> a news story. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">The challenge for regula</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">tors is ensuring a regulatory solution that serves as a suitable deterrent to publishing fake news stories, that has extra-jurisdictional effect while respecting our Convention and Charter rights to respect free expression. This may involve a variety of so</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">cio-legal-technical measures.</span></li>
</ol>
<div style="margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 36pt;">
<br /></div>
<ol start="10" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Platforms like Google</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> and Facebook </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">have adopted strategies to tackle the problem</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> of fake news, but they can only deploy the countermeasures </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt; font-style: italic;">ex post</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt; font-style: italic;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">the harm occurs</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. They may be wise to begin to develop strategies through edu</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">cating their users </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt; font-style: italic;">ex ante</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> to ensure </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">users read </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">any news stories with the appropriate level of objective scepticism</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Facebook is currently working on methods for stronger detection and verification of fake news, and on ways to provide warning labels on false content. However, tackling fake news forces social media companies to walk a </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">very </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">fine line; once they start takin</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">g on any editorial role, they lose some of the protections granted to them via the e-Commerce Directive.</span></li>
</ol>
<div style="margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 36pt;">
<br /></div>
<ol start="11" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 17.85pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Presently, there are technical remedies to inform others that they think a news story is indeed “fake”. Furthermore, any potential remedies become av</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ailable </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt; font-style: italic;">ex post</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">.</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> The strategy for social media platforms deal with the ethical impact of their platforms retrospectively. Some are taking significant action against online misinformation</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">.</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">In response to these forms of regulatory sanctions for non-complianc</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">e, social media companies develop a series of code-based and self-regulatory measure to combat the threat.</span></li>
</ol>
<div style="margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 36pt;">
<br /></div>
<ol start="12" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 17.85pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Users can flag stories they think are misleading. If found to contain “falsehoods” then the story is flagged with a disclaimer or removed. It is fo</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">r the reader to decide whether the story flagged as “disputed” influences their political opinion. Platforms already use this technique when a subject of the story disputes the facts while litigation is ongoing under defamation law. By deploying these tech</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">niques, </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">platforms can avoid the “editor” or “publisher” label and leave the editorial function to its users. Measuring compliance is impossible yet a clear set of guidelines, transparency about decisions to remove false news, and by reporting and disclosin</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">g details about removal, social media companies remain accountable for their decisions. </span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">While arguably, most fake news stories spread organically, i.e. through users sharing news stories themselves across social media platforms, there is evidence that fa</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ke news can spread via automatic means. A propagator with the means to do so can develop a number of technical measures to mimic real-world users to ensure the fake news spreads across a variety of social media platforms. With relative low effort, a propag</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ator can program a bot </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">or script </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">to respond and engage with people to help authenticate the validity of fake news. By adding a ‘hashtag’ to a link to a fake news story, which helps organize tweets about similar topics, a propagator can actually target </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">users most likely to share</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> the link</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. The propagator can programme the bot to seek out influential users across various platforms by contacting them directly, with t</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">he aim of getting the users to visit the website hosting the fake news story or spread his d</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">eceptive message for an outcome that would not be possible without the social media platform and the deception. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">The bot</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> account</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">, usually followed by a small number of other users, may have little social gravitas in the online environment. Its aim is to spr</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ead the message to other users by taking advantage of </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt; font-style: italic;">their</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> online influence. By targeting people with thousands of followers, it can help to facilitate a marketing and advertising campaign, or start a cascade among other social media users that spreads po</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">sitive, negative, or </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">mis</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> or </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">disinformation.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Fake news stories become more credible when they appear across multiple platforms due to a </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">type of heuristic ca</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">lled the multiple source effect. This </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">occurs when people give more credence to ideas that appear vali</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">dated by multiple sources. Furthermore, the tendency of large groups to conform to choices effects social influence, which may be either correct or mistaken, a phenomenon referred to as herd behaviour. Social proof reflects a rational motive to take into </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">account the information possessed by others</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> and </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">formal analysis shows that it can cause people to converge</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> and coalesce </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">quickly </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">around a single idea</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">, so that very little information grounds decisions of even large groups of individuals. This helps form an </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">information cascade where a small notional belief within a network can contribute </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">to </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">either a reputational or an informational cascade</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">.</span></li>
</ol>
<div style="font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt; font-weight: bold;">Commercial Speech vs Political Speech</span></div>
<ol start="15" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">As discussed at Para 5 above, there is a strong </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt; font-style: italic;">prima facie</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> case that economic incentives associated with behavioural advertising are a motivating factor behind the propagation of fake news across social media platforms. Once a propagator publishes his story, it spreads organically or through automation, but at it</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">s heart, fake news is a deceptive communication and should be characterised as such. Article 10 of the ECHR and Article 11 of the EU Charter both protect our rights of free expression; however, these rights are not absolute. The </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">only reason the </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">relevant au</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">thorities have the legitimacy to regulate commercial speech is because there is consensus among</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> commercial companies to be regulated. The ASA is a co-</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">regulatory mechanism whereby retailers, advertisers, and marketers agree to work with regulators to ensure</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">, amongst other things, not to deceive or mislead consumers.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">One of the reasons that we do not regulate political speech is that there is no consensus among the participants for regulation. Asking Macedonian teenagers to sign-up to a voluntary code of practice, or to submit to the jurisdiction of the courts in Engla</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">nd and Wales will be an exercise in futility.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Regulators</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> need to establish a typology for determining whether </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">a </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">story is false, misleading</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">,</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">and </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">deceptive</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. To achieve this, regulators must decipher</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> the purpose behind publication</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Did the propagator </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">publish</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> the story </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">for the purposes of commercial gain</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">? Alternatively,</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">to facilitate democratic discourse?</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">The second step would be determining whether the fake news in question was a political news story or whether it is a political advertisement. If it is the fo</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">rmer, the platform and the user should escape further regulatory measures or sanctions. If it is the latter, then it should be subject to oversight</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">/regulation</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">The</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> third</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> step is </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">identify</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ing </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">the </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">person</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> behind the publication of the story. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">After a regulator</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">categorises a story as</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">fake news</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">, they must</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> determine whether the propagator shared the story for the purposes of spreading deceit or by innocent dissemination. If the answer to the first question is that the propagator published </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">the story </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">for the purpose</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">s of commercial gain, then the source could fall under a plethora of laws on the books to deter misleading and deceptive advertising. Unfortunately, at present we have no real teeth in our system for deceptive political speech. Regulatory agencies that typ</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ically handle deceptive advertising generally refer claims of a political nature onto the Ele</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ctoral Commission where there is an understandable reluctance to interfere with political speech given our human rights obligations.</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"></span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Because of our reluctance to interfere with political speech, we tend to take a hands-off approach to regulating this type of speech. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Despite efforts from the Committee of Advertising Practice</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> (CAP)</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">, </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">regulators have been reluctant to bring political advert</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ising under the remit of the ASA</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">, who has the expertise </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">to regulate speech and, more importantly, </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">advertising </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">platforms. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Furthermore, there is a pervasive argument </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">there should be an enhanced role for the Electoral Commission to </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">regulate </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">social media </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">platf</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">orms</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> that host political advertisements</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">.</span></li>
</ol>
<div style="font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt; font-weight: bold;">Individual Remedies</span></div>
<ol start="20" style="margin: 0pt; padding-left: 0pt;" type="1">
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">In theory, </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Individuals that are the subject of fake news can rely on data protection law/the right-to-be-forgotten and the tort of defamation to combat fake news publishers. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">In practice, these r</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">emedies are too slow</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> and tend to deploy too late in the political news cycle to have effect</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">However, the right to be forgotten (a right to privacy) clashes with another key right: the right to know (plus freedom of speech, freedom of information and </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">press freedom</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">)</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> and is subject to criticism from the press and NGOs alike for interfering with the historical record. If a fake news story is about an identifiable person, the subject of a fake news story could rely on defamation law wherever the source of </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">the story publish it, as long as the subject of the story has a reputation in that jurisdiction and that reputation has incurred a harm. However using defamation laws as a remedy suffers at least two hurdles: access to the legal system in </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">the jurisdiction </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">where the harm suffered is often timely and expensive. It also means that the subject of the fake news story has to prepare for a full disinfectant of their lives in a court of law in order to prove that the news story was indeed “fake”. Finally, any litig</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ation for harm to reputation assumes that the source of the news is identifiable</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">.</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> This would mean enhanced cooperation from social media companies to turn over the identity of the individual behind a defamatory news story.</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt; font-weight: bold;">Conclusion</span></div>
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<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Any regulatory propos</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">als to regulate news (even the fake kind) will encounter fierce opposition. We have a strong history of protecting political speech in this country, and of course, citizens</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> of a Convention state</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> have Article 10 rights under the European Convention on Human</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> Rights</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">, while EU citizens have analogous rights under</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> Article 11 of the EU Charter. There will not be a rapid-fire regulatory solution presented in the near future, and it will take a long-term approach to encourage consumers to view the news stories they</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> see and read with a healthy dose of scepticism and objectivity. What will be interesting is if/how regulators present guidelines for regulating commercial speech. If one can truly identify the source of deceptive content, published and shared for the purp</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">oses of commercial gain guising as political speech, then it should become subject to regulation, like any other publisher and advertiser subject to Ofcom, the Advertising Standards Authority and/or the Electoral Commission. </span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 0pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Furthermore, companies like G</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">oogle and Facebook, who both have a stake in behavioural advertising, regulators must financially incentivise social media companies to follow their own money towards identifying sources of fake news and ban them from their platforms. As long as they remai</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">n transparent and accountable for the decisions they make to remove content, they can withstand direct human rights obligations as private actors.</span></li>
<li style="font-family: "Calibri Light"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 21px; margin: 0pt 0pt 6pt 18pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">ensures that all citizens have the ability to speak fr</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">eely and impart information. However, this is not an absolute right. Article 10(2) ECHR permits signatory states to restrict expression as long as the measures taken by the State are necessary in a democratic society, in accordance with the law, and propor</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">tionate to the aims of the legislature. The government should place any remedies to tackle the problem of fake news on statutory footing and ensure there is transparency and accountability enshrined in </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">the law</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">While further regulation of commercial and po</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">litical speech is controversial, the Select committee would be wise to remember regulating deception and deceptive practices is not</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. We have a long history of consumer protection in the country</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">. We </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">have </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">also </span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">taken steps to ensure insiders and outsiders alike do not skewer the integrity of political discourse.</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">Ending the scourge of fake news and its associated harms is necessary </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt; font-style: italic;">to ensure </span><span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt;">a democratic society.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "calibri light"; font-size: 10.5pt; font-style: italic;">February 2017</span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a></div>
You can read the original text <a href="http://data.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/committeeevidence.svc/evidencedocument/culture-media-and-sport-committee/fake-news/written/47764.html">here</a>.<br />
<br />Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com7tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-16033179303913008872016-10-03T01:40:00.000-07:002016-10-03T03:09:20.043-07:00Law, Power and Establishment (A Lack of the Rule of Law)<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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This is an unusual blog entry for me. It's not on IT Law or really anything related (except it is on Law) and it's not the kind of thing I usually blog about (Power, Law and Establishment) but a couple of news stories over the past couple of days are leading me to conclude that the Rule of Law is being eroded in subtle but vital and important ways and I felt I had to write something.<br />
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I am of course not the first writer to muse on the relationship between Law and Power. Michel Foucault saw Law as an expansion of Power (or rather Powers) while the classic dystopias of George Orwell show abuse of legal power by the state in its full glory. However even Orwell would have shaken his head with disappointment at how inured we have become to legal inequalities and inequities, the form of which are a challenge to the principle of the Rule of Law.<br />
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The Case of the Fast Track Passport Control</h3>
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The first story I read yesterday was one I had missed first time round so thanks to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/oct/01/welcome-home-but-only-if-you-are-rich">Victoria Coren-Mitchell</a> for raising it again. Apparently the Government plans to extend an already existing Scheme offered by some airports into a paid fast track service where you can gain access to the Fast Track system already in use in some airports for "premium passengers" for payment of a £12.50 fee on top of any airport fee. I'll let Victoria Coren Mitchell explain:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
The Home Office has confirmed that travellers are to be charged up to £17.50 to “fast-track” through passport control when they arrive at British airports. So you will soon have the opportunity either to pay a fee in order to fulfil the legal requirement of showing your passport, or not pay it and watch other people walk ahead of you into your own country purely by virtue of being richer. All animals are equal but some are more equal than others, I guess.</blockquote>
Kudos to Mrs. C-M for the Orwell reference. This got me thinking about the legality of schemes such as these. They are not uncommon - for example most budget airlines will let you pay extra for priority boarding (the hilarity of being at an airport and then seeing all those who have paid for priority boarding realise they have paid to priority board the bus to the plane is precious). I would like to draw a clear distinction here between schemes which offer in essence preference or advantage for payment in the same service against differential pricing for similar but different services. Thus the proposed Home Office scheme (and priority boarding) offers you an advantage over those who have not paid in terms of access to the same service (passport control). This is is different from say the Post Office charging 64p for a first class letter and 55p for a second class letter as these offer different levels of service (and therefore cost to the provider). The same principle would apply to first v second class rail tickets and differential pricing for different access speeds by ISPs. In all these cases a different service is provided to the customer, whereas in the home office case the service is the same it is the preferential speed of access which is different (i.e. an advantage is offered in return for payment).<br />
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This got me thinking about the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2010/23/contents">Bribery Act 2010</a>. I imagined that if I (an ordinary citizen) were say to start charging my students for preferential access to my time how would that be viewed? Say I had a student that desperately needed to access me to discuss an essay and I said "well I'm fully booked this week but I have a twenty minute fast-track appointment tomorrow - you can see me then for £17.50". Would that fall foul of the Bribery Act? Now first let me say I'm not a criminal lawyer and I have no expertise in the Act but I looked at s.2 and found s.2(2) says: "Case 3 is where R requests, agrees to receive or accepts a financial or other advantage intending that, in consequence, a relevant function or activity should be performed improperly (whether by R or another person)." That sounds really like offering to see a student only in return for a payment - sounds quite improper to me. According to s.3 my "function" would be covered by the Act and s.4 defines "improperly":<br />
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A relevant function or activity is performed improperly if it is performed in breach of a relevant expectation</blockquote>
I think if I agreed to see a student as a priority only on payment of a fee I would have committed an offence under s.2(2) of the Bribery Act 2010. So why isn't the Home Office proposal such an offence? The answer must be we think so little of our overstretched public services these days that for them to solicit a payment in return for a better service (or indeed any service) is not a breach of our "relevant expectation". There is also the secondary argument that anything done in the full glare of publicity cannot be improper for to quite Brandeis "Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman."<br />
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Is this right though? How can it be that that the Home Office can effectively solicit a bribe in return for offering an advantage to those paying it whereas I can't? (Let's leave aside the quasi-privatisation issue that will see us soon pay for "fast track" appointments in GPs practices, in hospitals and in housing associations). It is because the law is written by those in power. As Foucault observed Law is not a condition for the liberation of the individual. The Bribery Act was written by Parliament and was influenced by lobbyists and political advisors. It was written in a language intended to allow flexibility to prevent ossification in the statute book but with flexibility that also ensured the established order of Government and Capitalism was protected from its full influence. The key was the word "improperly" and it's equally imprecise definition "relevant expectation". Thus a request for payment to offer an advantageous access to a service can become a "fee" or a "charge" and it is not improper when offered on a mass scale as it is relevantly expected. If an individual were though to carry out the same act it may be described as improper (or to be more exact an improper performance) and be subject to the Act.<br />
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<h3>
The Case of Diplomatic Immunity </h3>
Another case demonstrated the same principle. It is a case as old as international law itself. Thus is an active case and one of which I know none of the facts but famous UK tabloid scandal sheet the <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3818232/Saudi-princess-fled-Paris-instructing-bodyguard-kill-decorator-named-hitman-arrested.html">Daily Mail</a> reports that<br />
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The daughter of King Salman of Saudi Arabia has fled Paris after allegedly instructing one of her bodyguards to murder a painter and decorator, it was claimed today. Princess Hassa, 42, <span style="color: red;">has pleaded diplomatic immunity</span> against prosecution after telling the armed aide: 'You have to kill this dog, he doesn't deserve to live.'</blockquote>
Now I have no comment on the case or the veracity of the Daily Mail report (although the story has been reported also in several other sources). What is interesting if true if the reports of the claim of diplomatic immunity. I assume by this the journalists mean she is claiming to be protected by Articles 29-31 of the <a href="http://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/conventions/9_1_1961.pdf">Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations</a>.<br />
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The person of a diplomatic agent shall be inviolable. He shall not be liable to any form of arrest or detention. The receiving State shall treat him with due respect and shall take all appropriate steps to prevent any attack on his person, freedom or dignity. (Art.29)</blockquote>
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A diplomatic agent shall enjoy immunity from the criminal jurisdiction of the receiving State. (Art.31)</blockquote>
This is an important principle of International Law and is designed to ensure that missions are not subject to arbitrary interference of local authorities. It is one of the founding principles which give to nations the security to send representatives into sometimes dangerous and unstable parts of the globe. This "immunity" may of course be revoked by the sending State under Article 32. Now assuming the Princess herself isn't an ambassador or similar she may be relying on Article 37 which extends these protections to "the members of the family of a diplomatic agent forming part of his household, if they are not nationals of the receiving State". In this case she will be relying on her father's position as Head of State.<br />
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As I say all of this story may be complete BS and I'm not making any statement about this case per se. It is the principle of abuse of the Vienna Convention principles I'm concerned about. There have been numerous media reports of abuse of process. in January this year respected lawyer Mark Stephens wrote in the <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/centralamericaandthecaribbean/saintlucia/12118577/Abuse-of-diplomatic-immunity-has-to-stop.html">Daily Telegraph</a> about the Walid Juffali case. Saudi Billionaire Juffali claimed that his role as St Lucia’s Permanent Representative to the UN’s International Maritime Organisation (IMO) prevented an English court from hearing his divorce case. Eventually the Court of Appeal held that Mr. Juffali did have diplomatic immunity but that he was "not entitled to immunity because he is permanently resident in the UK and the claim does not relate to any official acts performed by H in the exercise of his functions" [per Lord Dyson MR <a href="http://www.bailii.org/cgi-bin/format.cgi?doc=/ew/cases/EWCA/Civ/2016/176.html">Al-Juffali v Estrada [2016] EWCA Civ 176</a> at [92]]. It should be remembered that this was a civil claim. If it had been a criminal claim he would have been completely protected.<br />
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Again the interesting story here is how a principle of international law developed to protect diplomats from arbitrary interference has become a tool for the powerful and established to seek to absent themselves from the most basic principle of the rule of law that we all are bound by the same legal rules and legal order. <br />
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<h3>
Last Thoughts</h3>
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These are two examples from the last 24 hours but they seem to be symptomatic of a society of legal inequality. Not only is the economic gap between the rich and the poor growing, so is social inequality and it appears now even legal inequality. The very principle of the rule of law is under threat if the rules are written by and in favour of a small proportion of society to the loss and harm of the majority. This is something I think lawyers and legal academics should be throwing a greater spotlight on to. Law is being increasingly seen (as it ever was to be fair) as a tool of the rich and powerful to control the weak and less powerful. Many Brexiters (I'm a Remainer) see the current legal challenge to Article 50 as being such a case in point and with individuals like <a href="http://citywire.co.uk/money/gina-miller-the-funds-boss-behind-brexit-challenge/a934276">Gina Miller</a> as the face of the challenge you see their point. Similarly the complete failure of the Leveson Inquiry to bring change and the current furore around the Inquiry into Historic Sexual Abuse are being seen increasingly by the public as the law as the tool of the establishment. Lawyers may soon have to decide their role. </div>
Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com13tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-88640250039521315192016-09-26T00:38:00.002-07:002016-09-26T00:38:54.743-07:00Podcast: If You Have Nothing to Hide You Have Nothing to Fear (and other myths about mass surveillance)<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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In August I gave a public lecture to the LSE Summer School on Mass Digital Surveillance. The lecture is now available as an audio podcast <a href="http://richmedia.lse.ac.uk/summerschool/20160721_ifYouHaveNothingToHideYouHaveNothingToFear.mp3">here</a> (80 minutes including Q&A). The slides I used are available <a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/i1gag6e7ezf4ubr/Summer%20School%20Public%20Lecture.pptx?dl=0">here</a>.Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-57655434331469555952016-06-29T06:23:00.000-07:002016-06-29T06:23:44.000-07:00A New Edition of Information Technology Law: The Law and Society<h3>
<span style="color: orange; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">New Edition Due 7 July 2016</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">After the great success of the second edition of <i>Information Technology Law: The Law and Society </i>a new third edition should be out very soon. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is scheduled to be published on the 7th of July. You can read about it, and order an inspection copy via the <a href="https://global.oup.com/ukhe/product/information-technology-law-9780198732464">OUP catalogue</a>. If you don't qualify for an inspection copy you can pre-order a copy from <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Information-Technology-Law-Society/dp/0198732465">Amazon</a>. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What's New?</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Well quite a lot actually: this is a substantial new edition. </span>I have had to carve two chapters out of the old </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">single chapter on branding and trademarks in the information society. We now have </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">two chapters on branding, trademarks, and domain names and brand identities, search </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">engines, and secondary markets. This is to reflect the shift in focus of trademark law in </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">the online environment from domain names to search engines and secondary markets.</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To make space, the chapter on the digital public sphere has become an online-only </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">bonus offering. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The focus of the privacy chapters has substantially altered also, with </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">the data protection chapter completely reviewed to reflect the text of the General Data </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Protection Regulation, and the personal privacy chapter essentially replaced with a </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">state surveillance and data chapter to reflect the developments that have taken place </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">in that sphere.</span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br />All other chapters have been substantially reviewed and updated to reflect emerging issues in law and technology. The key changes are:</span></div>
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<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The law is updated to 31 December 2015. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The whole text has been reviewed and updated. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The old chapter 16 on branding and trademarks in the information society has </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">become two chapters; chapter 16 on branding, trademarks, and domain names, </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">and chapter 17 on brand identities, search engines, and secondary markets. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A new chapter 21 on state surveillance and data retention has replaced the old </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">chapter 20 on data and personal privacy. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The data protection chapter has been completely rewritten to reflect the adoption o</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">f the General Data Protection Regulation, the right to be forgotten, and the </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Google Spain (Costeja) case, as well as the Schrems decision. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There has been significant rewriting of chapter 2 (to reflect developments in net </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">neutrality); chapter 6 (to reflect the role of Blogs in the 2015 UK General Election); </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">chapter 7 (to reflect the Criado Perez incident and others); chapter 8 (to account </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">for the Defamation Act 2013 as well as the McAlpine v Bercow and the Sloutsker v </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Romanova cases); chapter 11 (to account for the linking cases, including PRCA </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">v NLA and Nils Svensson & Ors v Retriever Sverige AB as well as developments in </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">blocking and speculative invoicing); chapter 12 (to account for the Football Dataco </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ltd v Sportradar GmbH and Innoweb BV v Wegener ICT Media cases); c</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">hapter </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">13 (to discuss s. 3ZA of the Computer Misuse Act); chapter 14 (to discuss </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">the Criminal Justice and Courts Act 2015 (revenge porn and rape porn) and other </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">updates); chapter 16 (The Consumer Rights Act 2015, the e-IDAS Regulation </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2014, and the Consumer Contracts (Information, Cancellation and Additional </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Charges) Regulations 2013); chapter 19 (the development of cryptocurrencies); </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">and chapter 22 (to reflect technological developments). </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Test questions and readings have been reviewed and updated. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There are two further ‘online only’ chapters; chapter 23 on the digital public </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">sphere and chapter 24 on virtual environments. These chapters can only be </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">accessed </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">via the Online Resource Centre.</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I'm hoping the text will prove as popular as the second edition. I really enjoy writing this book as it keeps me up to date with what is developing. </span></div>
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-42091158039492028992016-06-27T01:10:00.000-07:002016-06-27T01:10:09.562-07:00Brexit - An Appeal for Calm<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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I normally blog on all things IT Law related so this is going out on a limb a little. I feel though I have to write this blog as although it may be peripheral to my area of expertise someone needs to say what's written in this blog.<br />
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In 2004 I wrote a chapter in a book I co-edited with <a href="https://www.umb.edu/academics/cla/faculty/mathias_klang">Mathias Klang</a>. The book was called <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Human-Rights-Digital-Age-Glasshouse/dp/1904385311">Human Rights in the Digital Age</a> and was to our knowledge the first book which got to grips with the interface between the recognition of rights and the digital environment. My chapter was rather unusual among the chapters looking at privacy online, hate speech, surveillance and the digital divide. It was called "Should States Have a Right to Informational Privacy?" and in it I made a remarkably simple argument.<br />
<br />
My argument was that people need private spaces to make decisions. If someone asks you to make even a simple decision - would you like salad or fries with your steak? - and then puts you under constant pressure, judging your every thought process the risk that you'll make a bad decision is increased. Good decisions come from reasoned evaluation of evidence and the opportunity to consider the likely consequences of the outcome. In 2004 I wrote about the massive increase in the speed of the news cycle:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
When Pan-Am flight 103 was blown from the sky above Lockerbie in December 1988 it took 2-3 hours for the news to circulate Europe and North America and 2-3 days for it to circulate the world: on September 11 2001 news of the first plane hitting the World Trade Centre travelled so quickly that by the time the third hijacked plane hit the Pentagon, some 58 minutes later, viewers across the world were already following events live on digital television and via the Internet.</blockquote>
My diagnosis then was that governments like individuals needed space for thought: "Organisations, like individuals, require time out of the public gaze to allow them engage in relaxed and open discussion, experimentation and risk analysis. This has been noted by Fred Cate who recorded that, 'constant scrutiny can cause organisations never to get away from public posturing and image control.'" <br /><br />This, I said, was the root cause of the cycle of spin so prevalent in the Blair/Campbell government of the time:
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<!--StartFragment--><!--EndFragment--><blockquote class="tr_bq">
The government is required to enter into an extensive information management policy to be able to respond to the demands of the modern digital media environment. This is overwhelmingly due to the fact that the government must now carry out all its affairs in a public setting. Any policy of media management or spin is merely a supplementary effect of the loss of privacy which has been suffered by the government. With no opportunity to make its mistakes in private; with autonomy and emotional release stripped away by the modern media, the government has fought back with a policy of media manipulation and management. In a very real sense with the removal of the informal barriers which used to protect the privacy of our public officials a smokescreen has had to be erected by these officials to afford them the privacy they require.</blockquote>
<h4>
BREXIT </h4>
<div>
This brings me to events since early Friday morning. I think it is fair to say that no one expected the result of the advisory referendum held last Thursday, not even <a href="https://www.pressandjournal.co.uk/fp/news/politics/westminster/955967/eu-referendum-nigel-farage-sensationally-concedes-defeat-just-minutes-polls-close/">Nigel Farage</a>, <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/24/a-pyrrhic-victory-boris-johnson-wakes-up-to-the-costs-of-brexit">Boris Johnson</a>, clearly not the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-36616430">markets</a> nor the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/24/david-cameron-resigns-after-uk-votes-to-leave-european-union">Prime Minister</a>. No one had predicted a win for leave, despite the polls being close. The feeling was that we'd (by we I mean the political establishment. I'm completely neutral in this discussion) got away with it in the Scottish Independence Referendum and that we'd get away with it again (not unironically because of the support of highly Europhile Scotland). However this time when the political establishment rolled the dice they came up short, not massively short but short all the same. However what has followed since has done no-one any favours. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
The market corrections were to be expected. The response of the sitting Prime Minister to resign on the morning the result came out though was irresponsible. I understand the politics behind it but the decision added to market uncertainty at at time it didn't need it. However the decision of Mr. Cameron is defensible along the lines seen in <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/26/who-will-dare-pull-trigger-article-50-eu">this article</a>. What is indefensible are words being reported from Europe. We are being told that EU Commission President Jean Claude Junker has <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/brexit-latest-eu-referendum-juncker-article-50-when-will-uk-leave-not-an-amicable-divorce-a7102561.html">suggested</a> that Brexit talks should start immediately and that "It's not an amicable divorce, but it was not exactly [a] tight affair anyway"; the President of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz, has <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/24/top-eu-leader-we-want-britain-out-as-soon-as-possible">said</a> that EU lawyers were studying whether it was possible to speed up the triggering of article 50 of the Lisbon treaty [Answer: It's not]; and that the Foreign Ministers of the six founding member states have <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/25/eu-emergency-talks-brexit-berlin">demanded</a> that exit must begin promptly and urging that a new British prime minister is installed quickly.</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Now I would call myself a Europhile but even the most enthusiastic Europhile must be listening to all of this in despair and thinking that the UK is the unpopular kid who got invited to the party because everyone felt sorry for her and now that she's said she's thinking of going home all the other kids are excitingly encouraging her just to leave because they never really wanted her there anyway. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Three things to make clear legally and constitutionally. </div>
<div>
<ol>
<li>The referendum is of no binding <b>legal</b> effect. That's not to deny its political effect. Politically it is very difficult to ignore an advisory referendum but legally the authority remains with Parliament as to what to do next.</li>
<li><b>We have not began any process to leave the EU</b>. This only begins if and when under Art.50(2) we notify the European Council of our intention to leave. Some <a href="http://www.politico.eu/article/how-britain-uk-would-leave-the-eu-brexit-referendum/">wags</a> have suggested that absent a formal procedure this may occur this week when David Cameron attends the European Council and orally confirms this or even that the UK can walk away without Art.50 due to the vote. These are simply not possible politically (the same political pressure holding the advisory referendum as binding rather than merely, well advisory). </li>
<li><b>It is perfectly possible to hold another referendum both legally and politically</b>. Now I'm not saying this is going to happen and David Cameron has said it won't. But there are over 3 million signatures on a petition calling for one (which was i<a href="http://uk.businessinsider.com/creator-petition-second-eu-refrendum-leave-campaigner">ronically set up by a leave campaigner predicting a failure for vote leave</a>). This allows Parliament to debate the issue and as noted at 1, legally the authority remains with Parliament as to what to do next. Parliament could call a second referendum and this is not unusual in EU terms. <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2015/10/19/asking-the-public-twice-why-do-voters-change-their-minds-in-second-referendums-on-eu-treaties/">This has happened three times in EU referendums</a> – in Denmark on the Maastricht Treaty in 1992-3, Ireland on the Nice Treaty in 2001-2, and Ireland again on the Lisbon Treaty in 2008-9 – with all of these referendums ultimately proving successful for those backing the treaty. In addition France and the Netherlands simply ignored referendums on the European Constitution in 2005 and pressed ahead. <a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Cl3qVSlXEAAiYDv.jpg:large">This image is quite informative</a> and note that in every case except Denmark the margins were much greater that 51.9%.</li>
</ol>
</div>
<div>
With all of this in mind. With the two major political parties in turmoil, with no indication yet that the UK intends to press Article 50 and with the UK population and markets in turmoil. I ask all of those who are political points scoring to do the decent thing. This includes <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-36637232">European politicians</a>, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2016/jun/26/city-of-london-expecting-further-post-brexit-losses-when-trade-reopens">business leaders</a> (who should know better) members of the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/26/conservative-leadership-rift-widens-brexit">Conservative</a> and <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/27/eu-referendum-labour-crisis-jeremy-corbyn-vows-to-fight-on-after/">Labour </a>parties, the <a href="http://www.snp.org/statement_on_euref_result_and_it_s_implications_for_scotland">SNP</a>, <a href="http://www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/sinn-f%C3%A9in-to-intensify-demand-for-united-ireland-vote-following-brexit-1.2697704">Sinn Fein</a> and the multitude hoard of bloggers and twitterers who are now instantly constitutional law experts and EU law experts. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
If you all continue to put pressure on the UK government (and it's political parties) it will make a bad decision. I'm not sure what that decision will be but it will be bad. We need calm heads, we need space for thought, we need time. Give us a week or two to digest exactly what happened. Stop the 24 hour news cycle on Brexit and instead report a rare success for British industry and ingenuity: that <a href="http://news.sky.com/story/1716292/eau-de-comet-space-perfume-smells-like-cat-pee">a British firm has released a perfume which smells like a comet</a>. Come back to us after a week or two and ask us then: Do you really intend to leave the EU? Until then leave everyone alone with their thoughts.</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Maybe Boris Johnson was right. The best thing to do over the weekend was to play <a href="http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/boris-dons-his-cricket-whites-but-where-is-george-8zfrlmtbw">cricket</a> (paywall).</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
My Chapter discussed in this blog can be read <a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/ttlsh1i5ojqa7nb/Do%20States%20Have%20a%20Right%20to%20Informational%20Privacy%2013%20oct.pdf?dl=0">here</a>. </div>
Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-86948274374739438442016-05-12T05:32:00.003-07:002016-05-12T05:38:22.583-07:00LSE IT Law Students Excel in SCL Student Essay Prize 2016<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIGU-iviHj5uJ4zSi1q6B4dNmeM27TtRax7wVNd5sae6WxGxY-Wb0h-95cgtLaQKP61FH1996X-dD_z0bhrxU6JmSbcDuUWgFBIIfrm_6eEmUvAk2UuRS0AVgEVCx1MGNtDugVejhMaKLG/s1600/SCLlogo.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjIGU-iviHj5uJ4zSi1q6B4dNmeM27TtRax7wVNd5sae6WxGxY-Wb0h-95cgtLaQKP61FH1996X-dD_z0bhrxU6JmSbcDuUWgFBIIfrm_6eEmUvAk2UuRS0AVgEVCx1MGNtDugVejhMaKLG/s1600/SCLlogo.jpg" width="168" /></a></div>
The Society for Computers & Law has today announced the winner and runners-up in it's 2016 Student Essay Prize. I'm delighted to say that first prize overall was awarded to LSE LLB student, and current student on our Information Technology and the Law option, Lucie Audibert. Many congratulations to Lucie. Her prizewinning entry "Computer Program Functionality and Copyright" can be read <a href="http://www.scl.org/site.aspx?i=ed47634">here</a>.<br />
<br />
Among the four named runners-up was Lorraine Chimbga, a law student at UCL, and also a current student on our Information Technology and the Law option at LSE as an intercollegiate student. Many congratulations also to Lorraine, Incredibly Lucie and Lorraine were in the same 9 am Tuesday morning tutorial class. I'm sure they are both delighted that the early starts have paid off. The full list of winners is <a href="http://www.scl.org/site.aspx?i=ne47635">here</a>.Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-41752818429387137912016-02-19T01:32:00.002-08:002016-03-02T00:51:20.694-08:00LSE Cyberlaw Summer School 2016<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://cdn.meme.am/instances/58511026.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://cdn.meme.am/instances/58511026.jpg" height="320" width="320" /></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The LSE Summer School option in Cyberlaw is back, better, bigger and badder than ever. After the great success of 2015 including the launch of the <a href="http://lsecyberlaw2015.blogspot.co.uk/">LSE Cyberlaw Student Blog</a> we have plans for a bigger better summer school experience in 2016. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So much has been going on and Cyberlaw Summer School students will be asked to contribute through blogs and podcasts and we'll have a full programme of events including the now infamous Cyberlaw drinks and the newly instituted and already traditional Krispy Kreme Breakfast on the last day of teaching. </span><br />
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<h3>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">What's New? What's old?</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Well the core of the course is still the same. A three week programme covering four core subject areas:</span></div>
<div>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cyberlaw and Digitisation</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cyber-property and Intellectual Property</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cyber-rights, Speech, Harm, Crime and Control, and</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">E-Commerce and Data Privacy</span></li>
</ul>
</div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The course will be again be lectured by myself and </span><a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/staff/orla-lynskey.htm" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">Dr. Orla Lynskey</a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">. The classes will be taken by <strike>the tireless and brilliant Eric King Director of <a href="https://www.dontspyonus.org.uk/">Don't Spy on Us</a> and</strike> (Update: Apparently the tireless Eric's batteries do run out eventually. He won't be with us this year, but we have somebody equally awesome lined up to replace him) the incomparable <a href="https://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/subjects/phd_students/bernard-keenan.htm">Bernard Keenan</a>, the guy who wrote <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2703839">this paper</a> on the draft Investigatory Powers Bill and the brilliant Mark Leiser the guy who wrote <a href="http://strathprints.strath.ac.uk/54396/">this</a> and who became an <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/easyjet-threatens-not-to-let-passenger-board-after-he-criticises-airline-on-twitter-8838441.html">internet sensation</a> in 2013. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The course will run from 11 - 29 July 2016. L</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ectures will be given by myself or by Dr. Lynskey and classes will be taken by Mark Leiser and Bernard Keenan. There will be 36 hours of lectures split into 12 lecture hours per week. You will have three hours of lectures per day for four days then a day off. You will also have 18 hours of tutorial classes - 90 minutes per day for four days per week. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At the end will be two hour exam which will qualify you to receive the LSE Certificate in Cyberlaw. If you prefer not to take the exam you get a certificate of attendance. </span></div>
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<h3>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">Tell me more </span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">You can read all about the course in the prospectus - <a href="https://lsedesignunit.com/SummerSchool2016/">here.</a> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">You can read more about the LSE Summer School - <a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/study/summerSchools/summerSchool/Home.aspx">here</a>. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">You can apply for the 2016 Summer School - <a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/study/summerSchools/summerSchool/applying/Home.aspx">here</a>. </span></div>
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<h3>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">What can we expect?</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As with last year, the course will look at issues such as IP protection in Cyberspace (copyright infringement, trade mark infringement, Peer-to-Peer, Google etc.); Speech issues (defamation, free expression, transparency, injunctions); e-commerce (consumer protection, contracting domain names) and privacy (data security, data protection, right to be forgotten, privacy shield etc.).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We will examine some of the latest developments in surveillance powers, social networking and data protection reform. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There will also be the full Summer School social programme including a public lecture by myself on Robot Law. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">if you have any questions or want to get in touch with me, my details are <a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/staff/andrew-murray.htm" target="_blank">here</a>.</span></div>
</div>
Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-64655497040461357182015-12-17T23:22:00.001-08:002015-12-17T23:22:48.148-08:00The LSE Law Department Contributes to Surveillance Debate<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/a7f22d6f7ecc08b67ed1aa19172963e7c5d6243a/0_391_6100_3660/master/6100.jpg?w=620&q=85&auto=format&sharp=10&s=5abde97794fd6e7679a2a7e37f1d6784" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/a7f22d6f7ecc08b67ed1aa19172963e7c5d6243a/0_391_6100_3660/master/6100.jpg?w=620&q=85&auto=format&sharp=10&s=5abde97794fd6e7679a2a7e37f1d6784" width="400" /></a></div>
As I noted in my previous post, the UK Parliament is currently in the pre-legislative scrutiny phase of the proposed new <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/473770/Draft_Investigatory_Powers_Bill.pdf">Investigatory Powers Bill</a>. The Bill is for obvious reasons, again some of them were discussed in the previous post, highly controversial. Hawks see the Bill as an essential foundation of the UK's ability to fight terrorism and organised crime going forward. Doves see the Bill as an infringement of civil liberties and an unprecedented expansion of state surveillance powers. The government is keen to stress that with the exception of internet connection records the Bill brings forward no new powers for the security and intelligence services and in their view provides greater transparency and greater oversight of the activities of the security and intelligence services and the police. Those of us in the middle are trying to remain objective in our analysis while trying to forge a path through highly politicised polemic on both sides.<br />
<br />
To assist in this, myself and some colleagues in the <a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/">LSE Law Department</a>, <a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/staff/orla-lynskey.htm">Dr. Orla Lynskey</a> and <a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/subjects/phd_students/bernard-keenan.htm">Mr. Bernard Keenan</a>, have drafted four short policy briefings on key aspects of the draft Bill which were published yesterday.<br />
<br />
<ul>
<li>The first paper is <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2703806">LSE Policy Briefing No.12: Ensuring the Rule of Law</a>. In this paper myself and Bernard Keenan argue that The Investigatory Powers Bill must reconcile the increase in invasive
surveillance powers with the rule of law. The paper is addressed to parliamentarians and we ask them to ensure that Parliament allows the institutions that play a vital part in the Bill's functions, such as judicial commissioners and the Investigatory
Powers Tribunal, are given the capacity and autonomy to meet the
appropriate standards of transparency and judicial independence.</li>
<li>The second paper is <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2703839">LSE Policy Briefing No.13: Bulk Data in the draftInvestigatory Powers Bill: the challenge of effective oversight</a>. In this paper Bernard Keenan examines the explicit powers in the draft Bill which allow for the use of using bulk data for intelligence purposes. He examines what the risks are and asks what are the potential uses and abuses of such information? He asks how we should protect
the data of innocent citizens, and which safeguards should be
considered to ensure the proper use of the data harvested through
bulk personal datasets.</li>
<li>The third paper is <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2703852">LSE Policy Briefing No.14: Comparing Surveillance Powers:UK, US, and France</a>. In this paper I ask how we should best structure surveillance powers in the Investigatory
Powers Bill? What can we learn from the experience, institutional
choices and structures adopted in the United States of America
and in France? By giving a short overview of the different
choices and experiences in the US and France, I explain what we can learn from the contrasting models adopted in
those countries.</li>
<li>Finally in <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2704299">LSE Policy Briefing No.15: Beyond privacy: the dataprotection implications of the IP Bill</a>, Orla Lynskey examines how the proposed Investigatory Powers Bill will influence digital communication. Se asks what will the implications be for the security of our data?
This brief looks at the EU law context of new surveillance
mechanisms, and explains the difficult technological, economic
and fundamental right implications of the policy choices. </li>
</ul>
<br />
We hope these add some objective clarity to the debate. Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-35841734884632504622015-12-17T22:58:00.002-08:002015-12-17T22:58:43.747-08:00Finding Proportionality in Surveillance Laws<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://ichef.bbci.co.uk/news/624/media/images/80240000/jpg/_80240796_parliament.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://ichef.bbci.co.uk/news/624/media/images/80240000/jpg/_80240796_parliament.jpg" height="261" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
United Kingdom Parliament is currently in the pre-legislative scrutiny phase of
a new <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/473770/Draft_Investigatory_Powers_Bill.pdf">Investigatory
Powers Bill</a>, which aims to “consolidate existing legislation and ensure the
powers in the Bill are fit for the digital age”. It is fair to sat this Bill is
controversial with strong views being expressed by both <a href="http://cyberleagle.blogspot.co.uk/2015/11/never-mind-internet-connection-records.html">critics</a>
and <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3319037/We-spies-powers-need-says-LORD-CARLILE.html">supporters</a>
of the Bill. Against this backdrop it is important to cut through the rhetoric
and get to the heart of the Bill and to examine what it will do and what it
will mean in terms of the legal framework for British citizens, and indeed for
those overseas. <o:p></o:p></div>
<h3 style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The Investigatory
Powers Bill<o:p></o:p></h3>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Much
of the Bill’s activity is to formalise and restate pre-existing surveillance
powers. One of the key criticisms of the extant powers of the security and law
enforcement services is that the law lacks clarity. Indeed it was this lack of
clarity which led the Investigatory Powers Tribunal to rule in the landmark
case of <a href="http://www.ipt-uk.com/docs/Liberty_Ors_Judgment_6Feb15.pdf"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Liberty v GCHQ</i></a> that the regulations
which covered GCHQ’s access to emails and phone records intercepted by the US
National Security Agency breached Articles 8 and 10 of the European Convention
on Human Rights. Following a number of strong <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/gadgets-and-tech/news/uk-government-rewrites-surveillance-law-to-get-away-with-hacking-and-allow-cyber-attacks-campaigners-10253485.html">critiques</a>
of the law including numerous <a href="https://www.judiciary.gov.uk/judgments/secretary-of-state-for-the-home-department-v-david-davis-mp-and-others/">legal
challenges</a> the Government received three reports into the current law: the
report of the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament, “<a href="https://b1cba9b3-a-5e6631fd-s-sites.googlegroups.com/a/independent.gov.uk/isc/files/20150312_ISC_P%2BS%2BRpt%28web%29.pdf?attachauth=ANoY7crN9qNVGHKl-BkalAJ6qt3UVufYUCEoUqSCW01_5jndZsoLkCGSjIUOYDq9JE3rjE6R3nlFOR2o9KLu1jKWYyweqifYOk2hQnTv7di5mMsx-_Op4lzF7U5QHiGLOg76Z0fw2sbJ6gY8p0yqVBSfJfwacSxSJ7QZZyh2sxGDHbKtQYjHRQLZsWJgLhVsqdw8Rt69TFeFfcS_XK9Zgo9zMTYHqdoCS8_46DyIiKE4YTCwDAPZfJ3CuJBez_O9ibt_wnIpyQ1N&attredirects=0">Privacy
and Security: A modern and transparent legal framework</a>”; the report of the Independent
Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation. “<a href="https://terrorismlegislationreviewer.independent.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/IPR-Report-Print-Version.pdf">A
Question of Trust</a>”; and the report of the Royal United Services Institute:
“<a href="https://rusi.org/sites/default/files/20150714_whr_2-15_a_democratic_licence_to_operate.pdf">A
Democratic Licence to Operate</a>”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All
three reported deficiencies in the law’s transparency. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
As a
result the Bill restates much of the existing law in a way which should be more
transparent and which, in theory, should allow for greater democratic and legal
oversight of the powers of the security and law enforcement services. In
essence the Bill is split into sections: interception, retention, equipment
interference and oversight, with each of the three substantive powers split
again into targeted and bulk. What this means in practice is the authorisation
of three broad types of activity (each of which have sub-types); the
authorisation to intercept data between sender and receiver, the authorisation
to retain data such as communications data and internet connection records
(more below) for possible processing later and authorisation to interfere with
(in colloquial terms “hack”) systems and devices. For each of these there is a
split between targeted activity, this is required when dealing with
communications which are sent and received by individuals who are inside the
British Islands (domestic communications) and bulk activity which is
permissible where either the sender or receiver (or both) of the communications
are located outside the British Islands.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Two
of the more controversial aspects of the Bill are the oversight provisions and
the introduction of a new form of retained data, so called “internet connection
records.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<h3 style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Proportionality<o:p></o:p></h3>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
retention of internet connection records are an entirely new power found in the
Bill. It is an extension to the extant, but currently legally uncertain data
retention powers found in the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/27/contents/enacted">Data
Retention and Investigatory Powers Act 2014</a> (DRIPA). This new power is thus
controversial on two bases: (1) it fails to meet the proportionality principle
on the basis it fails to comply with the <a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/charter/pdf/text_en.pdf">EU Charter on
Fundamental Rights</a>; (2) even if the current law is proportionate an
extension of powers is almost certainly disproportionate. With regard to the
first of these the current law, as contained in DRIPA, is subject to an ongoing
legal challenge brought by MPs David Davis and Tom Watson supported by Liberty.
The case, <a href="https://www.judiciary.gov.uk/judgments/secretary-of-state-for-the-home-department-v-david-davis-mp-and-others/">Secretary
of State for the Home Department v David Davis MP and others [2015] EWCA Civ
1185</a>, has recently been referred by the Court of Appeal to the Court of
Justice of the European Union where the court asks the CJEU to rule on whether
the ground-breaking case of <a href="http://curia.europa.eu/juris/document/document.jsf?docid=150642&mode=req&pageIndex=1&dir=&occ=first&part=1&text=&doclang=EN&cid=42170">Digital
Rights Ireland Ltd v Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources
& Others</a>, the case which ruled that European data retention laws were
incompatible with Articles 7 & 8 of the EU Charter, also binds national
legislators in the making of domestic data retention laws. Thus the current
status of domestic data retention laws is unclear, yet at the time that this
case remains under review the Bill seeks to extend the powers of the state to
order the retention of data from simple, yet still very invasive power to
retain all traffic data on our communications to also cover internet
connections records, described in the guide to the Bill as “a record of the
internet services a specific device has connected to, such as a website or
instant messaging application.” This would be data such as which banking
services we use, which rail company or airline we tend to favour and which may
reveal much about us including gender, ethnicity, religious beliefs, medical
conditions and much more. University of East Anglia law lecturer Paul Bernal
has written upon this issue very eloquently in his <a href="https://paulbernal.wordpress.com/2015/11/05/a-few-words-on-internet-connection-records/">blog</a>.
As he notes despite the Home Office’s best attempts to paint these as akin to
itemised phone records, they are much more invasive of personal privacy and
they are also clearly likely to be more invasive than the mere retention of
communications records, a practice ruled illegal under EU Law in Digital Rights
Ireland, and which at domestic law is currently under review. It is difficult
to see how this new provision could be seen to be proportionate. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
second key battleground over the Bill is likely to be the oversight procedure
for the issuance of warrants.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The three
reports were split as to whether Ministers or judges should issue warrants. The
Intelligence and Security Committee felt the power should remain with Ministers,
as “Ministers are able to take into account the wider context of each warrant
application and the risks involved, whereas judges can only decide whether a
warrant application is legally compliant”. The Independent Reviewer of
Terrorism Legislation recommended that “Specific interception warrants,
combined warrants, bulk interception warrants and bulk communications data warrants
should be issued and renewed only on the authority of a Judicial Commissioner”,
however he recommended that the Secretary of State should be allowed to issue a
national security certificate where the application related to “the interests
of the defence and/or foreign policy of the UK” and in such cases the “Judicial
Commissioner in determining whether to issue the warrant should be able to
depart from that certificate only on the basis of the principles applicable in
judicial review”, this is sometimes called a “double lock” provision. Finally
the RUSI report recommended something very similar to the Independent Reviewer
with warrants for a purpose relating to the detection or prevention of serious
and organised crime “always being authorised by a judicial commissioner” while
warrants for purposes relating to national security (including
counter-terrorism, support to military operations, diplomacy and foreign
policy) and economic well-being, the warrant should be authorised by the
secretary of state subject to judicial review by a judicial commissioner. The
provisions of the Bill though are quite different. Despite the recommendations
of both the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation and RUSI that
warrants in relation to serious crime be issued by a Judicial Commissioner they
will continue to be issued by the Secretary of State or by Scottish Ministers.
All forms of warrant, including national security warrants, will however be
subject to review by Judicial Commissioners under cl.19 of the Bill. There
remains however a further complication. While the RUSI and Independent Reviewer
of Terrorism Legislation reports suggested that only in relation to national
security warrants the Judicial Commissioner should apply “principles applicable
in judicial review”, by cl.19 all warrants will be restricted to this narrow
set of principles, essentially <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
illegality,
fairness, and irrationality and proportionality.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
There
have been a number of critiques of the way the double lock system has been set
up with among others <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/c7594530-83d6-11e5-8e80-1574112844fd.html#axzz3tXa3pN8i">David
Davis MP</a> (one of the DRIPA challengers) and the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2015/nov/09/andy-burnham-investigatory-powers-bill-judicial-safeguards-letter-theresa-may">Shadow
Home Secretary</a> being highly critical.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Again the question of proportionality of the legislation is
questionable. In terms of domestic intercept warrants, which Davis in his
comment notes “should not be a political decision”, it is questionable whether
the role of the Secretary of State is complaint with the spirit, if not the law
of Article 8 ECHR, as well as Article 6’s “independent and impartial”
requirement. One must ask is it proportionate, or even relevant, to involve a
minster of cabinet rank, a political decision-maker, in a decision as to
whether a warrant should be issued to intercept communications in an organised
crime case. One of the many benefits of our legal systems in the United Kingdom
is that judges are appointed and not elected, allowing them to remain apart
from the political process. To retain a role for a political office holder in
warrants such as these, and against the recommendations of the RUSI and Independent
Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation reports appears disproportionate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-43462343732098475532015-10-05T06:37:00.001-07:002015-10-13T00:36:15.897-07:00Open the Pod Bay Doors Hal: Machine Intelligence and the Law<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2TPyXgTOZWPrBtN7Ggsy7stXMvveP48jUxDhPl0y25ninbzP5JvZrDHiHYqjKwXcjf8KyUFNX4C6qRccU-1ok6yP0YV0N1Ss8dmsUYWfNf7uve4523nT6bhxXNPzwSy7-EK1juI5JE1BV/s1600/Snip20151005_6.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="202" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj2TPyXgTOZWPrBtN7Ggsy7stXMvveP48jUxDhPl0y25ninbzP5JvZrDHiHYqjKwXcjf8KyUFNX4C6qRccU-1ok6yP0YV0N1Ss8dmsUYWfNf7uve4523nT6bhxXNPzwSy7-EK1juI5JE1BV/s400/Snip20151005_6.png" width="400" /></a></div>
Last Wednesday I finally gave my inaugural lecture. It is only four years since I was made a professor so it is almost in good time...<br />
<br />
The title was "Open the Pod Bay Doors HAL: Machine Intelligence and the Law". It was, for me at least, a fun event with a good turnout of about 250 attendees. The subject matter (machine intelligence capable of rational thought, even subjectivity and possibly sentience) will be the backdrop of my next monograph to be published by OUP in 2017/18 entitled <i>The Objective Self: Identity and Law in the Digital Society</i>. The lecture was captured and you can listen to the audio streamed version <a href="http://richmedia.lse.ac.uk/publiclecturesandevents/20150930_1830_openThePodBayDoorsHAL.mp3" target="_blank">here</a> or you can view the video of the lecture via the LSE <a href="http://richmedia.lse.ac.uk/publiclecturesandevents/20150930_1830_openThePodBayDoorsHAL.mp4" target="_blank">here </a> or via YouTube <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YyNeE8iLkxw" target="_blank">here</a>. Below you will find the full text of the lecture. Thanks to all those who attended.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEim1zFHQCazmLRj87nzgC16j7Gaz8UucL93YnxQwRxLqQqsys3T0AQh0YtwmEmB38LvPp1psV2r-Lp24FZgj0lft1yJY1CQJJNpMUeRJg2fnjXUqMgAmG5gqv5IikYaR5eW_4Mh4Cpn5mTn/s1600/CQLd5FHWgAEPhfC+%25281%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="480" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEim1zFHQCazmLRj87nzgC16j7Gaz8UucL93YnxQwRxLqQqsys3T0AQh0YtwmEmB38LvPp1psV2r-Lp24FZgj0lft1yJY1CQJJNpMUeRJg2fnjXUqMgAmG5gqv5IikYaR5eW_4Mh4Cpn5mTn/s640/CQLd5FHWgAEPhfC+%25281%2529.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Image Credit: http://www.lisamarialaxholm.com/</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Open the Pod Bay
Doors Hal</b><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="text-align: justify;">Thank
you all for coming. I have been lecturing now for nineteen years and this is
probably the most nervous I have ever been in a lecture hall since the day I
first stepped inside one as an undergraduate law student at the university of
Edinburgh. I include in that the day I gave my first lecture at Stirling
University in 1996 as on that day I took over the second hour of a two-hour
lecture from the great Douglas Vick, a man who was in many ways my inspiration
as a teacher of law and who we lost at far too young an age.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
reasons I am nervous are many. Firstly my family and friends are all here.
Somehow wanting to put on a good performance for them makes it harder. I’m not
sure about the etiquette of inaugural lectures but as I have the microphone I’m
going to make up the rules as I go. To be here as a Professor of Law at the
LSE, the top ranked law school in the UK, is quite a journey for me. I started
out as the son of a butcher and a shop assistant (later home care assistant) in
Edinburgh. I went to a (fairly) rough inner city comprehensive (think Grange
Hill) and was the first generation of my family to go to university. I’m here
now because of all the support I received from my family, especially from my
mum and dad who I’m delighted to say are in the audience tonight. Reason to be
nervous no.1. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Secondly,
I’m here because of the brilliant education I received at Edinburgh University.
But this eventually was the second hurdle I overcame to become an LSE law
professor. I came to London with a degree in Scots Law. This turned out not to
be very useful when discussing consideration in contract law classes in my
first year at the LSE. I want though to thank a couple of my lecturers for
getting me where I am now. The wonderful Dr. MacQueen (now Professor MacQueen)
who taught me intellectual property law and the incomparable Mr. Gretton (now
Professor Gretton) who taught me the most important lesson. In answer to a
question from a student in our commercial law honours class as to why he taught
legal principles not just the statues and case-law he replied “Because the law
is a specific key that opens a specific door. Legal principles are skeleton
keys that open all the doors if properly understood”. That made me feel better
when I arrived in an English Law School with no specific English legal
training. My time at Edinburgh Law School is represented tonight by my friend
Dr. Andrew Steven who is in the audience. Reason to be nervous no.2. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Thirdly
I have an audience of mixed ability and knowledge. Usually I lecture to a
defined audience – undergraduates, postgraduates, academics. Tonight I have an
audience that goes from people attending their first ever law lecture (I
include in this my parents-in-law) to brilliantly smart colleagues in related
disciplines to brilliantly smart people in my discipline. Where to pitch this?
I should say I’ve pitched somewhere in the lower middle. This is not going to
involve a lengthy discussion of contextual privacy, law as a social system or
Julie Cohen’s “Self”. This is going to be an overview of an interesting
challenge I’m wrestling with now and which will be my next monograph to be
published by Oxford University Press in due course. Reason to be nervous no.3. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
These
reasons (and the need to stick to time) explain why for the first time in 16
years I’m giving a lecture from a written script. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Tonight
what I am going to talk about is what happens when machines get as (or more)
intelligent as (than) us from the perspective of a lawyer. The title is drawn
from the classic 1968 book and film 2001: A Space Odyssey by Arthur C Clark and
Stanley Kubrick in which the classic scene (which we shall see a clip later)
plays out the challenge of machine intelligence in opposition to human
intelligence. The lecture is in three parts: Humans, Machines and Lawyers. <o:p></o:p></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u>Humans:<o:p></o:p></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
question of humanity and human nature is the very essence of our being. One
recurrent theme, often seen in culture and art, is that humans are merely
biological machines. Who can’t look at Leonardo Da Vinci’s amazingly accurate anatomical drawings
and see parallels to machine design? Now you can argue that this is predetermination, of
course a human will design a hand to look like his or her own, but on the
counterargument can you think of a more efficient design? <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
idea of the human body as merely a carrier for our brain or personality is
another recurrent theme. We see this in the classic Beezer/Beano comic strip
the numskulls and more recently in the Pixar movie Inside Out. It’s not only a
fictional concept though. In his book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Selfish Gene</i> Professor Richard Dawkins argues that the human body is just a
machine: “The fundamental units of natural selection, the basic things that
survive or fail to survive, that form lineages of identical copies with
occasional random mutations, are called replicators. DNA molecules are
replicators. They generally, for reasons that we shall come to, gang together
into large communal survival machines or ‘vehicles’." This is a not
uncommon position to hold in evolutionary biology. In science fiction of course
eventually biological machines and silicon machines merge into
indistinguishable forms. Again scientists and academics are working on this concept, it is called the
singularity – when both AI (artificial intelligence reaches human level) and IA
(Intelligence Amplification) allows humans to directly interface with machine
intelligence. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Before
we get there though, lets look at how humans think. How how humans think is an
academic discipline as old as humanity and I want to introduce you to a
philosophical concept as old as classical civilisation: the distinction between
truth and perception. This is usually classified as the subjective/objective
divide. This can be demonstrated by the Dress. We all remember this dress it became an
Internet sensation in spring this year. Was the dress white and gold or black
and blue? A study published in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Current
Biology</i> found that of 1401 people surveyed 57% saw the dress as blue and
black, 30% as white and gold and about 10% as blue and brown, while
approximately 10% could switch between any of the colour combinations. A small
number saw it as blue and gold. This is subjectivity (perception) in action. We
can each be equally sure that we’re right but ultimately about 43% of those
surveyed were objectively wrong as it’s blue and black. Human subjectivity is important.
Although not always objectively right it is what makes us, well us.
Individuals, made up of our knowledge, our experiences and our opinions.
Vitally it is what makes is sentient: that is the ability to feel, perceive, or
experience subjectively. Opposed to this is Objectivity. This is truth, fact,
observable and neutral: the cornerstone of natural and physical sciences.
Importantly we as humans internalise both of these but are able to distinguish
between fact and perception. We may accept objectively that the dress is blue
and black but for 43% of us we still experience the dress as something else.
Thus our brain has throughout philosophical history carried out these two
functions as internal processes while able to manage this duality. It has led
to great philosophical debates in classical philosophy on the nature of man and
morality, but that is for another time. For now all I want you to take away is
that we are capable of carrying out both types of thought internally. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
objective/subjective debate today though is a bit old hat. We’ve moved on to
other much more sophisticated modelling of thought, rationality, perception and
vitally sentience.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One model, which I
think is very interesting is the higher/lower order model. This is best known
through Daniel Kahneman’s System 1/System 2 divide. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
System
1 is your basic instinctive brain. It sends to think quickly (automatically
sometimes) is emotional and instinctive. System one makes shortcuts and
assumptions for us: Which city is bigger London or Edinburgh? You don’t really
need to think your system one brain instinctively knows. It also controls
things like responses to stimuli (is that person hostile) and basic functions
such as distance and depth perception. It also controls basic tasks – reading
in your native language, driving on an empty road. It doesn’t use much
brainpower and we can often “daydream” while doing system one-type actions.
System two is reserved for more complex actions such as picking out one voice
in a crowded room, remembering someone’s name that we don't know so well,
comparing products or services or more complex mathematics. System two uses a
lot of resources and we usually need to focus. What Kahneman points out though
is system 2 is also lazy and we will give up on complex tasks more easily than
on simpler tasks. Lets do three calculations: <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="mso-list: l2 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
</div>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: Symbol; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal;"> </span></span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Multiply </span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">12x6
= 72</span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;"> </span></li>
</ul>
<!--[if !supportLists]--><o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
You
may have done that using system 1 (if your tables were driven into you at
school or you may have engaged system 2 a little)<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="mso-list: l2 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
</div>
<ul>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-stretch: normal;"><span style="font-family: Symbol;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal;"> </span></span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Multiply </span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">16x47
= 752</span></li>
</ul>
<!--[if !supportLists]--><o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
You
had to engage system 2 for that. You may have used a shortcut. I always do. I
do 10x47=470<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(6x50 = 300; 3x6=18)
(300-18=282), 470+282=752</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="mso-list: l2 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="mso-list: l2 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
</div>
<ul>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;"> Multiply </span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;"> </span><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">417x514
= 214,338</span></li>
</ul>
<!--[endif]--><o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
This
time I’m betting you didn’t even bother. Your brain just went this is too much
effort for any reward I’m going to get let’s not bother. If you did force
yourself to work through it well-done. Did you get the answer? It’s 214,338.
Again you can use a short cut to get there. Just multiply 400x514 and then
reach for your calculator…<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
thing is we humans are lazy in all ways. When we find something difficult we
try to engineer a tool to deal with it. We went from simply enslaving animals and
other humans to do the tasks we don’t want to, to replacing them with machines.
Machines (or systems) now take away our waste, carry out complex calculations,
run entire production lines and many more. The second point about I want you to
take away from this lecture on how our brain works is that we don’t want to do
system 2 type thinking. If we can find a way to “outsource” this we will. Let’s
show this through a couple of examples: <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Who
won the 2014 Eurovision song Contest? <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Who
won the 1972 Eurovision song Contest? You can use your smartphones if you want.
<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
If
you used your smartphone in that second exercise you carried out what I label
assisted decision-making. This occurs where digital technology replaces a
previous analogue technology or artefact to make our decision-making process
simpler. In essence as life has become more complicated we rely more on
technology to help us filter all of this information and to give us the
relevant information to make the best decision we can. We cannot possibly hope
to retain at our fingertips all information we need to manage our complicated
lives so we use digital devices to order and manage this data. Essentially
this is about empowerment. We have the ability now to have in our hands our
diary, our messages, our maps, the most powerful encyclopaedia known to man,
our telephone, our photographs, our entertainment media and much more. Importantly
in this scenario we retain the upper hand in our relationship with the
technology. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
There
is a second more developed version of this called supplementary decision-making. This takes place
when technology offers us information or processes, which simply were not
available before the widespread adoption of digital technologies. At the most
basic level these are health apps and allied technologies which monitor a
variety of variables such as activity, food intake, heart rate, blood pressure
etc. and which then give us health advice. In theory it would have been
possible to monitor all these variables before health apps and wearables but
the lack of portability of health monitors meant this was not a practical
possibility. A greater application of supplementary decision-making
technologies are now fitted to our vehicles where a number of safety systems
assist our driving such as anti-lock and automatic braking, electronic
stability control (including traction control), adaptive headlamps and
collision avoidance systems. In both assisted and supplementary decision-making
processes the human brain is in charge and human agency and subjectivity is
protected.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
However
the next phase of AI development is to develop truly autonomous
decision-making. In these we truly outsource difficult system 2 decisions to
machines. This is a game changer. No longer is the human brain the only higher
order decision-making device on the planet, we will have to share this unique
sentience of system 2 thought with our own creations. Now you may say this is
science fiction but is it. Meet Watson. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Watson
won jeopardy, as you have seen, against the two best human jeopardy players
there are. Brad Rutter is the biggest all-time money winner on Jeopardy!
(US$4,455,102) and Ken Jennings a 74-time Jeopardy champion and second highest
money winner ($3,422,700). In case you are thinking they just saw this as a bit
of fun, the prize in these shows for the winner was $1,000,000.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The game involves not just intelligence but
also strategy and the questions are designed not to be simply answerable by
logic alone. Watson acted like a human in winning the games. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u>Machines:<o:p></o:p></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><br /></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Currently
machines don’t (and for the most part can’t) think. They are simple logic gates
which can process binary instruction extremely quickly. This gives them certain
advantages over humans. They can process their environment very quickly and
accurately as in car safety systems and respond appropriately (and precisely)
every time. They cannot though process data out of their logic system. Humans
can deal with out of the ordinary situations (why is there a tiger in my
classroom), machines (unless specifically programmed to do so) cannot. Humans
are learning machines, computers on the whole are not.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Because
machines pretty much do as we tell them we can programme them to follow laws,
should we want. The question is what laws are appropriate for machines? Well we
already have one set of laws for robots which is very well known, Isaac
Asimov’s Three Law of Robotics (confusingly there are four laws). These were created as
three laws in his 1942 short story <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Runaround</i>
with a fourth law (confusingly law zero) added in his 1985 book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Robots and Empire</i>. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Asimov’s
laws are interesting for they raise a number of moral questions. Note the terms
may not injure or through inaction cause harm. Many critics of Asimov’s laws
throw a common moral problem up at this point – it is called the trolley
problem. Phillipa Foot created the trolley problem in 1967. It asks a moral question:
there are five men on a railway track who can’t be warned a train is coming.
They can’t see the train and we must assume they will be killed. You are next
to a switchgear which can transfer the train onto a local loop. Here there is
one man working, he also can’t see or hear the train. Do you switch the track?
There are many variants of the trolley problem but let’s stick with the basic. Critics
of machine autonomy and Asimov’s laws throw this up as an impossible conundrum:
either by action or inaction a computer-controlled switchgear would kill. It
must breach the first law but how does it do this?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is unfair though for the thought experiment
was designed for human actors and the same is true of humans we choose to allow
five to die by inaction or to select one for death by action. It is designed to
make us look inwards into ourselves and to question our moral judgements. If
humans become autonomous enough to make these decisions rather than following
programming, we will ask them to do the same. An example perhaps of this is the
star of our show, HAL 9000.
The question is (for a room full of lawyers) did HAL commit an offence (under
Asimov’s laws)? It seems obvious HAL has broken Asimov’s first law. By inaction (not
opening the pod bay doors) he has caused likely harm to Dave (in fact Dave gets
in through the airlock so in fact no harm occurs, you may say this is an
attempt rather than a perfected offence). But why did HAL do this? Most people read
the book or view the film as demonstrating HAL as suffering from human style
fears and irrationalities, or merely a logic error in coding. There is an
alternate reading that suggests HAL was actually following Asimov’s zeroth law.
I won't give away the plot for those who haven’t seen or read it but this
theory posits that HAL was preventing the crew from making a discovery on
Jupiter which could threaten humanity. Thus HAL acted in accordance with the
law. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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As
we’ve seen though we have started to develop learning machines, machines that
don't just process but which mimic human thought processes, learning machines.
These machines may, like HAL begin to be asked to process complex moral
decisions. But Watson’s just a one trick pony right? A machine designed by one
of the largest and most powerful technology companies in the world to showcase
what we can do machines like HAL 9000 are a long way off. We’re not going to be
engaged in a discussion like the one imagined by Arthur C. Clark for any time
soon.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Well
many experts believe the days of sentient machine intelligence, are closer than
we think. Nick
Bostrom, author of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Superintelligence:
Paths, Dangers, Strategies</i>, collates the findings of four small scale
surveys which, when taken collectively, reveal that experts believe there is a
10% chance of Human Level Machine Intelligence being achieved by 2022, a 50%
chance by 2040 and a 90% chance by 2075. Nils Nilsson of the Stanford AI Lab is
less bullish he predicts a 10% chance of Human Level Machine Intelligence being
achieved by 2030, a 50% chance by 2050 and a 90% chance by 2100. Others are
more confident of an early breakthrough. Today the most advanced artificial
intelligence exhibits the IQ of a four year old, while futurologist Ray Kurzweil,
author of The Singularity is Near and the man who predicted that a computer
would beat a world champion at chess by 1998 (Deep Blue won in 1997), has
predicted that “the moment at which a computer will exhibit intelligent
behaviour equivalent to, or indistinguishable from, that of a human – will be
passed in 2029.” Thus to assume human ascendency in our relationship with
electronic agents is assured is remarkably short sighted.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Even Watson has
developed since he won Jeopardy. There is now chef Watson, who can design new dishes by
understanding the flavour combinations of ingredients by understanding them at
a molecular level. This variation of Watson demonstrates creativity and flair,
artistry not usually associated with a machine. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Then
there is Dr.
Watson. This is the primary application of the Watson programme today. This is
an advanced medical diagnostic and advisory system which, and you heard right,
is being given the capacity to see. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Of
course not all machines take the Hippocratic Oath. Some are quite deadly. <o:p></o:p></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Taranis
has the possibility to operate completely autonomously thanks to a module
developed by QinetiQ. This module allows the drone to fly without an operator.
To make decisions on where to fly, what speed, attitude altitude etc. In
current modulation the drone would be unable to release missiles without
permission from a human operator but how long until that is removed? In a
number of military psychology scenarios the weakest link in any command chain
ending with a kill order has repeatedly been found to be the human element. The
logic of replacing humans with machine intelligence is therefore strong. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
There
remains a question unsaid though, outwith the military sphere though why would
we ever hand over control of intelligent or sensitive systems to machines? Why
would we ever voluntarily give machines control of vital safety or even
everyday systems? There are two answers to this. The first is we already do
this. At a very basic level we allow our email systems to filter the content we
receive, we allow scheduling software to manage our diaries, we allow sat-navs
to route our journeys. In more safety specific systems we allow autopilots to
fly our planes (with human backup) and automated safety systems monitor our
nuclear plants. Why though would we hand over more control? We will do it
incrementally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We won’t wake up one day
and decide to make computers responsible for sensitive, perhaps even morally
ambiguous, decisions we’ll do it piece by piece. Take cars. We used to have no
computers aboard but then we got computer-managed engines, ABS and lane
detection.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Then came collision avoidance
and now assisted parking. Self-driving cars are in test phases and it is not
impossible to imagine that in 50 years it could be illegal or perhaps risking
an action in tort for you to drive your own car. Why – well lets looks at some
statistics.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the last six decades the
majority of fatal air accidents involving over 18 persons aboard have been
caused by human error.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although at a
lower level of prevalence it is calculated by at least one survey that
physicians kill on average 210,000 people per annum in the United States,
making this the third highest killer of US citizens after heart disease and
cancer. Meanwhile
back in the transport arena human error is a factor in over 90% of all road
traffic collisions where injuries occur. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Given
this knowledge isn’t it logical to suggest that once self-driving cars reach
sufficient reliability it should be a criminal offence, or at least negligent
to drive your own car? The same could be true of hospitals or airlines who
employ humans to do jobs that machine intelligence can do with much less risk
to patients/passengers. The only logical decision, morally, legally and
economically is to allow machines to take on these roles.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Much
like the frog sitting in a pot of warm water who fails to notice the
incremental rise in temperature we won’t give up our control over
decision-making in one movement. It will occur gradually over years and at each
point will appear to be perfectly sensible and logical. <o:p></o:p></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u>Lawyers.<o:p></o:p></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
So
where has all this been leading? What is the point of all this. Well so far you
have hopefully taken the following away from what I have said thus far:<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><o:p></o:p></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
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</div>
<ol>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Humans remain uniquely the only source of the
form of higher order sentience that allows us to make complex moral decisions.</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Humans, perhaps uniquely in the animal world,
can rationalise objective and subjective thought.</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Human brains are complex, but also are resource
hungry and as a result we often reject resource heavy higher-order thought for
lower level intuitive thought.</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Humans have a capacity to outsource anything
complex, difficult dangerous or time consuming.</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">We are developing machines which are capable of
complex thought and creativity.</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">We are developing machines designed to act
autonomously.</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">Human Level Machine Intelligence could be as
little as 14 years away (or as far away as 75 years).</span></li>
<li><span style="text-indent: -18pt;">It is perfectly logical to suggest that there
should be an assumption that machines should replace humans in all areas where
human error remains a constituent factor in harmful outcomes.</span></li>
</ol>
<!--[if !supportLists]--><o:p></o:p><br />
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
But
what happens when humans cease to be the only sentient being capable of
morality or higher-order thought? This is instantly disruptive on the structure
and ordering of our legal system. The mind is at the heart of legal order. It
is rarely discussed but ever present. The elephant in the room is that law is
about human rational thought. When a dog is let off the leash and it worries a
sheep do we in law try the animal or the owner? The answer is the owner of
course – the controlling mind of the duo. For those interested, under the Dogs
(Protection of Livestock) Act 1953, if a dog worries sheep on agricultural
land, <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">the person in charge of the dog is
guilty of an offence.</b> The Act considers sheep worrying to include attacking
sheep, chasing them in a way that may cause injury, suffering, abortion or loss
of produce or being at large (not on a lead or otherwise under close control)
in a field or enclosure in which there are sheep. While historically we may
have put pigs, horses, dogs or other animals on trial we came to realise they
could not be held to human moral or legal standards. Thus the peculiarly human
trait of subjectivity comes to the fore of our legal system. We see this in
criminal law. The
phrase <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Actus reus non facit reum nisi
mens sit rea</i>, literally an act does not make a defendant guilty without a
guilty mind, lies at the heart of our criminal legal order. If I swerve to run
down a cyclist because I recognise him and dislike him I commit murder. If I
swerve to avoid a group a nuns in the middle of the road (don’t ask why they
are there, this is a thought experiment) and happen to run over the same
cyclist I do not commit murder. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The human trait of
subjectivity is not confined to criminal liability though. As the manufacturers
of David Stevenson’s Ginger Beer know if you are a manufacturer of a product
then you may face delictual<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(tortious)
liability should your product harm one of your customers if in the words of
Lord Atkin they are “persons who are so closely and directly affected by my act
that I ought reasonably <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">to have them in
contemplation</b> as being so affected when I am <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">directing my mind</b> to the acts or omissions which are called in
question”. These terms “have in contemplation” and “directing my mind” clearly
are terms which bring higher order thought and subjectivity (though measured
objectively through the reasonable man standard) to mind (and to the core of
the standard for manufacturer’s liability. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
This
same concept, an objective standard (usually referred to as the reasonable
person or sometimes the man on the Clapham Omnibus) is applied to subjective
acts. It is found in contract law (intent to form a contract), in property law
(I exercise my intent to own), agency and any number of other areas of law. Our
legal system is based on the core concept that humans are the only subjective
decision makers and we hold them to standards by setting objective standards
for them. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
It
is not only substantive criminal law that is thus ordered.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Our system of punishment assumes subjectivity. There are
five dominant schools of thought on punishment. The first is that we punish for
retribution – a rebalancing of the scales. This is quite literally biblical –
an eye for an eye etc. Today in developed democratic states this is seldom
accepted as a valid basis for punishment and so much like putting animals on
trial can hopefully be seen as more developmental than developed. The second is
incapacitation. This is the idea that the offender’s ability to commit further
offences is removed. Imprisonment separates offenders from the community,
removing or reducing their ability to carry out certain crimes. There is still
an element of this in modern penology but it is in most developed states a
supplementary issue at best and not the reason for the current punishment
system. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The
three dominant schools of punishment today are all based on higher-order
thought and subjectivity. These are firstly, the deterrent effect: punishment is a measure to prevent
people from committing an offence - deterring previous offenders from
re-offending, and preventing those who may be contemplating an offence they
have not committed from actually committing it. This punishment is intended to
be sufficient that people would choose not to commit the crime rather than
experience the punishment. The aim is to deter everyone in the community from
committing offences. Secondly there is the concept of rehabilitation, the goal here is to change the
offender’s attitude to what they have done, and make them come to see that
their behaviour was wrong. Finally there is restorative justice, here punishment may take the form of the
offender "righting the wrong", or restitution. Community service or
compensation orders are examples of this sort of penalty, as are schemes where
the offender meets the victim or their family and makes efforts to right the
wrong they did with their victim. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
We
are therefore in a position where both our substantive legal system and our
punishment systems are designed around the concepts that: (1) participants in
the system are capable of sentient subjectivity and (2) only humans are
subjective actors. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Machine
sentience is going to change all this. Machines will soon possess Human Level
Intelligence. Will that make them sentient? Maybe? Maybe it will just make them
very very smart machines. Sentience and intelligence are separate. Whatever,
machines will soon be intelligent and rational decision-makers, with the
capacity to think subjectively. When this occurs humans will happily
“outsource” a number of decisions to machines. This will see a form of “shared
responsibility” between machine and human intelligence, what I have called the
“objective human” one who rather than internalising decisions externalises them
via their machine intelligent partners. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
For
example let us imagine I am a passenger in a self-driving fully autonomous car,
but one in which there is an emergency manual override facility. Let us imagine
a small child runs in front of the car and the car can choose to take evasive
action. It has three choices: (1) swerve left and drive into a wall. This will
damage the car and cause me injury, but probably not fatally; (2) drive on and
hit the child, this will probably kill the child; or (3) swerve right and hit a
row of bins. I have already seen that there is a child hiding in one of the
bins clearly playing hide and seek with the child who has run into the road.
Now the car’s very advanced sensory system may easily have not recorded the
child in the bin. I only saw a tiny movement out of the corner of my eye. To
the car the best thing to do may be to swerve into the bins. I know this will
kill the child in the bin. If I fail to react, because I assume the car will
swerve left, but the car has failed to note the child in the bin and it swerves
right (following Asimov’s first rule of robotics) and the child is killed where
does culpability lie (if anywhere)? With me for failing to override the car
because I knew the child was there? With the manufacturer of the car for having
imperfect detection systems? With the car’s intelligence for “driving without
due care and attention”? Let’s tweak it a little and say that somehow deep down
I knew the car would swerve right but I didn’t override as I didn’t want to be
hurt in the crash. What then? This is what I mean when I talk about “objective
personality” – humans externalising decisions and perhaps responsibility for
them. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
How
will this affect the law? Let’s pose five challenges for the legal system.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Challenge 1: Privacy:</b> We are already at
the cusp of an objective privacy event horizon. This occurs when machines know
more about us than we do about ourselves. It is easy to imagine in the near to
mid future that due to the complexity of computer data systems we lose complete
control over our personal data. Already systems such as data vaults are in use
to attempt to regain control over the online privacy wildfire we have seen in
the last five years. Privacy is all about our ability to control data about ourselves.
The classical American privacy scholar Alan Westin called privacy “the claim of
individuals, groups or institutions to determine for themselves when, how and
to what extent information about them is communicated to others.” More recently
Ruth Gavison has defined it as “the measure of the access others have to you
through information, attention and physical proximity.” Today it is for many
people less important, in personal privacy terms, that they may be observed and
much more important that they can control access to or communication of
information about themselves. Much of our concept of the person is tied up to
information about us today, in my view more so than in the past. Helen
Nissenbaum argues a modern conception of privacy should not be centred on
access to or control of communication of data it should be about ensuring that
data flows appropriately (a contextual understanding of privacy). This in all
likelihood will involve a symbiotic relationship between individuals and an
intelligent agent, which will act as a gatekeeper to our information (an
intelligent, wearable data vault) – it has to be wearable. Thus the Siri of the
future will be able to determine whether access to our medical data is being
sought by a pharmaceutical company who wants to know whether we take
beta-blockers or by an emergency physician who is asking the same thing. This
is context. In the first I feel my privacy is being infringed in the second I
do not.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However it is clear in this that
I do not decide who gets access to the information, the intelligent agent does.
When there is a breach of my data rights should I have a right to raise a claim
against the agent? Or its designer?<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Challenge 2: Expression: </b>Again we are
at the cusp of the event horizon of the first robot defamation or robot harmful
speech cases. Twitter is already awash with tens of thousands of bots which
quite dumbly will retweet tweets with certain words in them. The one on the
slide “dear assistant” is one of the smarter ones that answers questions using
Wolfram Alpha. In the future it is quite easy to imagine a personal assistant
that will regulate much of my social media and which will have rights to post
messages in my name on future twitter and future facebook. What if in one of
these exchanges my personal bot inadvertently posts a message which is
defamatory of a colleague based upon information posted in error by another
colleague. E.g. my Dutch colleague Dr. Denkbeeldig posts that my Greek
colleague Professor Fantastikó may have failed to follow proper ethical
procedures in gathering empirical data. My assistant then posts this on future
facebook but knowing that I have had an email exchange with Professor Fantastikó
where I have made the same accusation to him privately drops the term “may”
leading to an actionable defamation. I knew nothing of this can I be liable? If
I could how does this affect my right to free expression? If I cannot is my
digital assistant liable? If so how does this affect my or its freedom of
expression? <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Challenge 3: Location: </b>For Private
International Law purposes the location of an action is essential for both
jurisdiction and choice of law. What happens if based on comments I make in the
margins of an e-book my smart-agent publishes a review online for me when asked
by an online bookseller that is in fact defamatory of the author? If I am in
London and my smart agent is operated from a server farm in Virginia where did
the comment originate? Or if I am back sitting in my self-driven car which is operated
by a server farm in Kansas and the car hits the child in the bin in London, if
I could have taken over control of the car and prevented the collision but I
didn’t as I believed the car would avoid the collision where is the controlling
mind behind any tort – England or Kansas?<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Challenge 4: Consent</b>: There are a few
key times in our lives when we need to be fully informed and appraised to allow
us to make an informed choice or give informed consent, such as for medical
procedures and in the exercise of democracy. In addition there is the
counterpoint that could we in the exercise of our liberty deprive others of
their liberty – for example if my smart surgeon informs me that based on all
available data my mortality risk from an invasive surgical procedure is 6% if
the operation if performed by a computer controlled robot and 9% if performed
by a human surgeon, should I be allowed to make the (assisted) decision to go
with the robot even if my human surgeon advises strongly against it as my case
is highly unusual and needs human reactions and flexibility (in other words if
she believes my smart agent is under-informed?)<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Challenge 5: Killer Robots. </b>Finally
what happens when the robots rise up and kill us all? Or rather more
prosaically what happens when robots kill people. This may be a military robot
such as taranis, then the question is have they followed the rules of
engagement? Or it may be civilian robots. The first killer robots are among us. In
this case it appears to be human error rather than the robot which was the
cause of death. But robots are going to be asked to make decisions that
ultimately may kill humans despite Asimov’s first law. If we return to the
scenario with my self-driving car if the car knows the child in the bin and if
we imagine driving into the wall will kill me the car has to decide: swerve
left and kill me, swerve right and kill the child or go ahead and kill the
other child. Here of course there is no question of criminality but let’s
replace one child with Murder McGrew an escaped killer and wanted organised
crime boss.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If the car chooses to swerve
into Murder McGrew because his life is less worthy than a child’s or my own (a
leading cancer researcher about to make a breakthrough in cancer treatments)
then the car chose someone to die based on their identity. Does it have mens
rea? <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The lawmaker is
faced with a dilemma. Do we continue to treat sentient machines as machines?
This seems simple. We leave the legal system as it is and treat machines as we
do tools or devices, or perhaps as we treat that other non-human legal entity
the corporation. Doing so is morally very challenging. It creates a permanent
underclass of sentient devices, some may even say it creates a form of
modern-day slavery, by allowing humans to own and work sentient beings capable
of subjective recognition (parallels may be drawn here to animal rights). This
also fails to account for how human thought is changed by the process of
objective decision-making or decision making sited outside the body.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>To recognise machine sentience though could
see humans absolved of responsibility that should ultimately be theirs, we
could infantilise our entire species. More importantly though we could not
leave our legal system as it is currently, with the assumption that only humans
are decision makers. We need to include devices, but to simply say “in all laws
devices of Human Level Machine Intelligence shall have the same rights and
responsibilities of humans” is far too simplistic and fails to account for the
unique nature of these devices/beings. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
I’m
afraid I don't have the complete answer for how this will be achieved yet. In
fact it may be many years before anyone does. What I want to leave you with
today is my thoughts, which are going into my book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Objective Self: Identity and Law in the Digital Society</i>. It
seems likely the book won’t be complete until 2017 so I’m afraid there will be
a delay in getting my thoughts finalised. The current model for dealing with nascent
machine intelligence is so-called ambient law. It is a dialogue between lawyers
and computer scientists, an exchange of normative values to ensure the
protection of both as best as possible. It is an extension of that oldest of
Cyberlaw concepts “code is law” as enunciated by Lawrence Lessig in the late 1990s. Today the
leading exponents of ambient law are Mireille Hildebrandt and Bert-Jaap Koops,
some of you may have heard Mireille’s Chorley lecture here in June. The trouble
with ambient law is that it is not very well developed. It is the concept that
legal designers and software designers need to work together to design code
which meets their common normative values. However for software designers
that’s not terribly attractive. It’s a restriction on their creativity. I think
perhaps we can take this concept of a dialogue and develop it a little to
create something called <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lex Machina</i>. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lex Machina</i> is an application of ambient law, which reinforces
humanity as the central concept of legal normativity. At its heart is identity
and the application of two additions to Asimov’s three laws. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The fourth law “A
robot must establish its identity as a robot in all cases” was proposed by
Bulgarian writer Lyuben Dilov in his 1974 novel, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Icarus's Way</i> (a.k.a., The Trip of Icarus). The fifth law “A robot
must know it is a robot” was added by another Bulgarian writer Nikola Kesarovski
in his 1983 short story <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Fifth Law of
Robotics</i>. These are I think essential to the concept of a sentient,
subjective machine intelligence. I believe the application of Asimov’s laws can
be seen as a common framework document of human/machine shared normative
values. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
To
suggest making laws for ambient intelligence at this stage is pointless. We
don’t yet know what the finished product will look like. It would be like
making laws for the motor car in the 1880s having seen Gustave Trouvé’s powered
tricycle and maybe a drawing of Karl Benz’s Patent-Motorwagen or making
aviation laws based upon the gliders of the 19<sup>th</sup> Century with
perhaps the slightest sight of the Wright brothers early drawings. What we can
do though is sugest a normative model which can be used to develop specific
laws when these sentient devices come online. If we are to learn from history I
suggest we treat them with respect as equals, lest we want to revisit all civil
rights movements from the 18<sup>th</sup> Century emancipation movement up to
the present day. We must not create a permanent silicon underclass but equally
we as humans need normative principles for the legal system to latch onto as
laws are developed. I think we already have these thanks to Asimov. I have
already discussed objections to Asimov’s laws but think they are based in a
false or erroneous value set. If we are to have <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lex Machina </i>we must fist have a set of normative values for it and
here they are: <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Cambria; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Cambria; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->A
self-aware being (human or robot) may not harm any class of self-aware beings,
or, by inaction, allow any class of self-aware beings to come to harm.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Cambria; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Cambria; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->A
self-aware being (human or robot) may not injure a self-aware being or, through
inaction, allow a self-aware being to come to harm.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Cambria; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Cambria; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->A
self-aware being (human or robot) must obey the Law except where such
provisions would conflict with the First and Second Values.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Cambria; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Cambria; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->A
robot should protect its own existence as long as such protection does not
conflict with the First, Second or Third Values. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Cambria; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Cambria; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]-->A
robot must know it is a robot. A human must know they are human. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-left: 54.0pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Cambria; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Cambria; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]-->A robot must establish its identity as a robot
in all cases. A human must establish its identity as a human in all cases.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
We
could call these the core normative values for all sentient self-aware beings. Having
established these it is then a matter of having lawyers and computer scientists
working together on a common legal framework. I have many examples of how this
would work in practice in relation to the five challenges we discussed, but
those of you in the audience with little interest in the inner workings of the
law would quickly glaze over and in any event time waits for no sentient
self-aware being. When it comes out buy the book, read the book. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Having
discussed the rise of machine intelligence it seems only fitting that the last
word goes to a digital human representation. Within the next 100 years we will
no doubt have the first inaugural lecture by a machine intelligence professor,
let start today with a small part of an inaugural lecture by a small part of
machine intelligence. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-44553013634434550792015-07-29T00:12:00.001-07:002015-07-29T00:12:58.116-07:00New Blog by LSE Summer School Students in Cyberlaw<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.ifsa-butler.org/images/stories/sig/program-cities/lse-s/A375-u.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.ifsa-butler.org/images/stories/sig/program-cities/lse-s/A375-u.jpg" height="132" width="200" /></a></div>
We have a summer school course in Cyberlaw which runs for three weeks. The students are being asked to write short 500 word blog entries in groups on the subject of each day's class (Mon-Thurs). We're publishing them <a href="http://lsecyberlaw2015.blogspot.co.uk/" target="_blank">here</a> and they make for an eclectic interesting and thought-provoking set of comments.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://lsecyberlaw2015.blogspot.co.uk/" target="_blank">LSE Cyberlaw 2015 Blog</a>.Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-38713987059847725052015-07-20T00:51:00.000-07:002015-07-20T00:51:33.636-07:00Republish: My Blog for Democratic Audit on Democratic Deficit in UK Surveillance Lawmaking<h2>
The Democratic Deficit in the Expansion of UK Surveillance Powers<o:p></o:p></h2>
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<a href="https://gigaom2.files.wordpress.com/2014/07/british-democracy.jpg?quality=80&strip=all&w=579" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="189" src="https://gigaom2.files.wordpress.com/2014/07/british-democracy.jpg?quality=80&strip=all&w=579" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">The topical debate over the scope and extent of the yet to be
published Investigatory Powers Bill is a textbook example of the modern form of
shadow political debate formulated in the echo chamber of news and social
media, rather than in the debating chamber. The current public discourse on
mass surveillance capability and the wider role of the security and
intelligence services is almost laughably lacking in solid contextualisation.
At least it would be a laughing matter were it not so deadly serious and were
it not also in danger of becoming the textbook example of democratic deficit.</span></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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The starting point of this debate does much further back than
most people realise. At its heart are three pieces of legislation and a court
case. The first piece of legislation was the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1990/18/contents">Computer Misuse Act
1990</a>. It was passed to ensure that new forms of criminal activity involving
computers were properly policed. Its ostensible targets were computer hacking and
the creation of viruses. It had a small exception to the hacking provision in <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1990/18/section/10">s.10</a> for law
enforcement organisations. It allowed, “a constable or other person charged
with the duty of investigating offences” to gain access to a computer without
the permission of the owner. We all knew what that was for; it was to ensure
that someone arrested for say possession of child abuse images would not escape
prosecution because police forensic officers would be committing an offence in
accessing his computer without his permission (which one would assume would be
refused). The second was the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/23/contents">Regulation of
Investigatory Powers Act 2000</a>. Again we thought we knew what this was all
about.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This was an attempt to formalise
and regulate interception powers in the emergent digital society. It required
ISPs and others to maintain an interception capability and it created a regime
for lawful interception. Interception of communications within the United
Kingdom would be carried out only following the issuance of a warrant from the
Secretary of State as allowed by <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/23/section/5">s.5</a> and in
accordance with <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/23/part/I/chapter/I/crossheading/interception-warrants">ss.6-11</a>.
Communications which were external to the UK were subject to less rigorous
safeguards should the Secretary of State issue a s.8(4) certificate, certifying
that the warrant did not relate to a domestic communication, and in the event
the communication related to a UK resident was subject to further safeguards in
<a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/23/section/16">s.16</a>. The
third piece of legislation was the <a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2006:105:0054:0063:EN:PDF">Data
Retention Directive</a> (now invalidated). Passed in 2006 in the aftermath of
the terrorist attacks in Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005 it stands as the
archetypal “knee jerk” response to a shadow threat. It required Member States
to implement laws requiring telecommunications and information society service
providers to retain large amounts of customer metadata for between six months
and two years to allow law enforcement authorities access to this data. There
was much <a href="http://www.statewatch.org/news/2013/dec/secile-data-retention-directive-in-europe-a-case-study.pdf">disquiet
at the time</a> about this, yet the law was passed against the backdrop of
these two atrocities. Two observations should be made on the policy-making
process of the Directive. Firstly, in a tactic which has become standard for
the UK Home Office, a <a href="http://www.statewatch.org/news/2005/oct/data-ret-clarke-to-cavada-17-10-05.pdf">deadline</a>
was set which cut off democratic debate on the provision, and secondly the UK
Government used its position as EU Council President to push through a
legislative change which it had been warned was probably unlawful in UK Law by
the <a href="http://www.cl.cam.ac.uk/~rnc1/APIG-report-commsdata.pdf">Parliamentary
All Party Internet Group</a>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the
event we know now that not only was this unlawful at UK Law it was also unlawful
at the European level. On 8 April 2014, the Court of Justice of the European
Union declared the Data Retention Directive <a href="http://curia.europa.eu/juris/document/document.jsf?docid=150642&mode=req&pageIndex=1&dir=&occ=first&part=1&text=&doclang=EN&cid=173531">invalid</a>.
The Court took the view that the Directive failed to meet the principle of
proportionality and should have provided more safeguards to protect the
fundamental rights to respect for private life and to the protection of
personal data.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
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This is the prehistory of the current debate: life before
Snowden if you like. Today the wheel turns again. A number of legislative
developments in the last year have re-raised concerns of a democratic deficit. Firstly
on 10 July 2014 the then Coalition Government announced the need for emergency
legislation to replace the now invalidated Data Retention Directive. The legislation
would be debated in Parliament in three days while <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2014/jul/18/uk-drip-ripa-law-sceptical-misleading-democracy-martha-lane-fox">party
political leaders lined up</a> to support an unpublished Bill. A group of 15
legal academics, myself included, signed an <a href="http://www.slideshare.net/EXCCELessex/open-letter-uk-legal-academics-drip">open
letter</a> to Parliamentarians urging the government not to fast track the Bill
but to ensure full and proper parliamentary scrutiny was applied. Of course the
Bill was fast-tracked and became law seven days after it was first announced.
It was <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2014/jul/18/uk-drip-ripa-law-sceptical-misleading-democracy-martha-lane-fox">denounced</a>
by Parliamentarians and two of them David Davis MP and Tom Watson MP have <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/dec/08/mps-go-ahead-challenge-snooping-law">gone
on to Judicially Review</a> the actions of the very Parliament they are members
of. In February this year, the Home Office published the draft <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/401863/Draft_Equipment_Interference_Code_of_Practice.pdf">Equipment
Interference Code of Practice</a>. The draft Code was the first time the
intelligence services openly sought specific authorisation to hack computers
both within and outside the UK. Hacking is a much more intrusive form of
surveillance than any previously authorised by Parliament. The Government,
though, sought to authorise its hacking, not through primary legislation and
full Parliamentary consideration, but via a Code of Practice. A final amendment
to the legal settlement (thus far) may be found in the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2015/9/contents/enacted">Serious
Crimes Act 2015</a>. Although subject to full Parliamentary scrutiny the
relevant section, <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2015/9/section/44/enacted">s.44</a>,
was described in the explanatory notes to the Bill as a ‘clarifying amendment’.
The amendment effectively exempts the police and intelligence services from
criminal liability for hacking. This had an immediate impact on the <a href="https://www.privacyinternational.org/?q=node/584">on-going litigation</a>
of civil society organisations who were suing the Government based in part on
the law amended, <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1990/18/section/10">s.10 of the
Computer Misuse Act 1990</a>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
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Knowing the so-called Snooper’s Charter was about to be
resurrected by the newly elected Conservative Government thirty-nine legal
academics, including myself, signed a subsequent <a href="http://www.slideshare.net/AndrewMurray3/academic-letter-re-changes-in-surveillance-law">open
letter</a> calling upon the Government to ensure “Parliamentary scrutiny is
applied to all developments in UK surveillance laws and powers as proposed by
the current Government”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Snooper’s
Charter is now called the Investigatory Powers Bill. It was announced in the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/430149/QS_lobby_pack_FINAL_NEW_2.pdf">Queen’s
Speech</a>. We still do not know what it will contain as it has yet to be
published. The debate on the Bill (not yet in existence) is though vibrant. In
his <a href="https://terrorismlegislationreviewer.independent.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/IPR-Report-Print-Version.pdf">report</a>
the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation reported that the capability
of the security and intelligence agencies to practise bulk collection of
intercepted material and associated data should be retained but used only
subject to strict additional safeguards concerning judicial authorisation of
warrants, a tighter definition of purposes [for collection], targeting of
external communications and the need for judicially authorised warrants within
the UK. In reply the Prime Minister <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/blog/live/2015/jun/11/david-anderson-terror-watchdog-publishes-report-on-surveillance-powers-politics-live">indicated</a>
that government would resist calls for judicial warrants.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Just last week <a href="http://www.express.co.uk/life-style/science-technology/590061/WhatsApp-UK-Ban-Weeks-Snoopers-Charter">reports</a>
emerged in the media that popular apps such as Snapchat, WhatsApp and Facebook
messenger could be banned “within weeks” under the Bill (which remember no one
has seen) as they allow for end-to-end encryption of messages. These reports
all mention the Prime Minister’s statement made after the Charlie Hebdo attacks
“In our country, do we want to allow a means of communication between people
which we cannot read? My answer to that question is: 'No, we must not’” yet
fail to give details of where the possible ban comes from, except to discuss
the assumed general terms of the Bill (from Home Office briefings) which
suggest systems which do not allow the UK government access to sessional data
will be banned. Again there is much debate, but still a clear Parliamentary
democratic deficit. We are all discussing something not yet in existence. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Today the latest piece of the jigsaw arrived. The RUSI report
<a href="https://www.rusi.org/downloads/assets/ISR-Report-press.pdf">A
Democratic License to Operate</a> commissioned in 2013 by the then Deputy Prime
Minister was published. Currently we debate the implications of this report and
determine how it fits into the jigsaw. Privacy campaigners are claiming it
supports their position. <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jul/14/uk-surveillance-report-makes-concessions-to-privacy-lobby">They
cite</a> the report’s finding that “Privacy is an essential prerequisite to the
exercise of individual freedom, and its erosion weakens the constitutional
foundations on which democracy and good governance have traditionally been
based in this country” and record that it also recommends the introduction of
judicial warrants as proposed by the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><a href="http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/home-news/report-claims-security-services-facing-encryption-threat-to-foiling-terror-attacks.131883594">Others</a>
highlight that the report records that police and intelligence agencies face a
significant challenge from encryption in monitoring individuals who pose a risk
to collective security while proposing what seems to be an impossible balance: police
and intelligence agencies should not have blanket access to all encrypted data,
but material should not be beyond the reach of law enforcement.<o:p></o:p></div>
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All this debate is merely the hors d'oeuvres for the main
course to come, the publication and (hopefully) consultation and debate on the
Regulatory Powers Bill. I am pleased to say that in his <a href="http://www.slideshare.net/AndrewMurray3/30-0615-professor-andrew-murray">response</a>
to the drafters of the open letter on surveillance powers the Minister of State
for Security has pledged that “new legislation will be published for
pre-legislative scrutiny later this year and we do intend this to be a very
consultative process, subject to full parliamentary scrutiny”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is to be welcomed. There has been for
too long an overwhelming democratic deficit in the scrutiny and review of UK
surveillance powers: at times to make sense of them has felt like trying to do
a jigsaw in the dark and with some of the pieces hidden from us. We will hold
the Minister to his pledge. It is time for a full parliamentary review of the
law and time for the shadow boxing in the media to end.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-28131734507299402922015-07-20T00:47:00.003-07:002015-07-20T00:48:19.117-07:00Republish: My HuffPo Blog on Encrypted Messaging and Surveillance <h2>
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Is Snapchat a Threat to National
Security?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<a href="http://static.guim.co.uk/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2015/2/6/1423216285813/Britains-Britains-GCHQ-009.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://static.guim.co.uk/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2015/2/6/1423216285813/Britains-Britains-GCHQ-009.jpg" height="191" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">Last week </span><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/07/10/snoopers-charter-bill-causes-social-outcry-as-government-looks-to-ban-whatsapp-and-others_n_7768768.html" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">reports</a><span style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
emerged in the media that the proposed Investigatory Powers Bill may lead to
the banning of popular communications apps Snapchat, WhatsApp and Facebook
Messenger.</span><span style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">This was in many ways not
news as the same reports had appeared in </span><a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/gadgets-and-tech/news/whatsapp-and-snapchat-could-be-banned-under-new-surveillance-plans-9973035.html" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">January</a><span style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
but with the Home Secretary announcing that the Bill would be published in the
autumn it made the threat of a ban feel more real. In response, one UK
newspaper asked its readers to respond to a poll asking whether they supported
such a move. They </span><a href="http://www.express.co.uk/life-style/science-technology/590776/WhatsApp-UK-Ban-David-Cameron-Outrage-Dictator-GCHQ" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">reported</a><span style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
on Tuesday “a meagre 12 per cent of [] 52,200 readers surveyed agreed with
[the] Prime Minister's plans to intercept online communications.” So the
question is why are services like Snapchat and WhatsApp seen as a threat to
national security and should they be banned? </span></div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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The reason the security and intelligence services, and
thereby government, have these services in their sights is because they offer
end-to-end encryption of messages. This is for our security. It means if
someone intercepts your Snapchat message they cannot see its contents as the
message is encrypted. This is a problem for the security and intelligence
services as they too cannot get access to the message without first removing
the encryption.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is highlighted in
the recently published RUSI report “<a href="https://www.rusi.org/downloads/assets/ISR-Report-press.pdf">A Democratic
Licence to Operate</a>” which was commissioned in 2013 by the then Deputy Prime
Minister. Encryption is a recurring theme in the report and the Independent
Reviewers noted that “content is becoming increasingly difficult to access
because of the growth in sophisticated encryption.” This is seen as a threat
and the Reviewers recommend “agencies such as the National Crime Agency and MI5
should be able to access data under legal and properly authorised
circumstances. Encrypted data should not, as a principle, be beyond the reach
of law enforcement.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This echoes the
Prime Minister’s <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/07/10/whatsapp-and-facebook-messenger-ban-could-be-just-weeks-away-under-new-snoopers-charter_n_7767846.html">comments</a>
in January: “<span style="color: #333333;">In our country, do we want to allow a
means of communication between people which even in extremes, with a signed
warrant from the Home Secretary personally that we cannot read? My answer to
that question is no we must not. If I am prime minister, I will make sure it is
a comprehensive piece of legislation that makes sure we do not allow terrorist
safe spaces to communicate with each other”. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #333333;">It seems the Prime Minister still
has work to do to convince the UK public. As well as reporting the outcomes of
its survey the </span><a href="http://www.express.co.uk/life-style/science-technology/590776/WhatsApp-UK-Ban-David-Cameron-Outrage-Dictator-GCHQ">Daily
Express</a><span style="color: #333333;"> also published some select readers
comments. The best is probably the reader arguing the theoretical underpinning
of any move to limit or remove end-to-end encryption: “the stupidity of the
government, to imagine that banning WhatApp will curb the communication
capabilities of an ISIS or whoever else. Those guys are very far ahead of us
lesser mortals in their technology, & for sure will not use a WhatsApp
message to order an execution or a bombing, they’re not that stupid. Mr. Cameron
is doing is nothing but blatantly invade the personal privacy of millions of
Britons.” There is a further argument that the removal or limitation of
end-to-end encryption will actually harm public safety. We rely on end-to-end
encryption for a number of things, not least online banking and online
payments. Also though it protects our messages and (in theory) our data. We
have already seen with the Apple </span><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2014/09/01/jennifer-lawrence-icloud-hack-leak_n_5746340.html">iCloud
Hack</a><span style="color: #333333;"> and the </span><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/technology/news/8475728/Millions-of-internet-users-hit-by-massive-Sony-PlayStation-data-theft.html">PlayStation
Network Hack</a><span style="color: #333333;"> how vulnerable our data is. Since then
these the companies involved have spent millions improving security; arguably
for the government to mandate them to weaken protection is reckless. Further it
is not a strong argument to say only the police and security services will have
access to this data so the risk is minimised. The government does not have a
good track record in protecting our data with even the </span><a href="http://www.sfo.gov.uk/press-room/latest-press-releases/press-releases-2013/statement-on-data-loss-incident.aspx">Serious
Fraud Office</a><span style="color: #333333;"> and the </span><a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/7662604.stm">MoD</a><span style="color: #333333;"> losing valuable data. Also in 2014 it was </span><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/feb/27/gchq-nsa-webcam-images-internet-yahoo">reported
GCHQ had hacked Yahoo webcams</a><span style="color: #333333;"> and had obtained
“substantial quantities of sexually explicit communications”. Do we really want
these people to have unfettered access to our WhatsApp or Snapchat?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #333333;">Lawyers talk of balancing rights.
We have a right to privacy but we also have a right to life, liberty and
security. The government must seek to strike the right balance between our
privacy and security rights and our right to public safety and security. At the
moment it seems the balance is shifting too far in favour of public safety and
the interests of the security services. Yes they have a role and a
responsibility to keep us safe in an increasingly dangerous world but equally
throughout the entirety of the IRA bombing campaign on mainland UK the security
services never asked for, nor were given, blanket rights to surveil the UK
population. There is a risk that a terrorist cell may use WhatsApp to organise
a terrorist attack, but equally there is a risk they will use a family car to
carry a car bomb or public transport to get to their target. Are we also going
to ban public transport and family cars unless the security services have the
ability to monitor everyone who makes use of them? What about the sale of
knives or even petrol? The infinitesimal risk that Snapchat or Whatsapp could
be used in this manner needs to be set against the much greater risk that data
security breaches will see our bank or credit card details revealed or our personal
communications compromised. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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I am pleased to say that in his <a href="http://www.slideshare.net/AndrewMurray3/30-0615-professor-andrew-murray">response</a>
to the drafters of the recent <a href="http://www.slideshare.net/AndrewMurray3/academic-letter-re-changes-in-surveillance-law">open
letter on surveillance powers</a> the Minister of State for Security has
pledged that “new legislation will be published for pre-legislative scrutiny
later this year and we do intend this to be a very consultative process,
subject to full parliamentary scrutiny”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This is to be welcomed. There has been for too long an overwhelming
democratic deficit in the scrutiny and review of UK surveillance powers: at
times to make sense of them has felt like trying to do a jigsaw in the dark and
with some of the pieces hidden from us. We will hold the Minister to his
pledge. It is time for a full public and parliamentary review of the law.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-42636315253291120612015-05-25T23:12:00.000-07:002015-05-28T06:05:00.286-07:00Why I Today Have Signed a Letter to All MPs Calling for Greater Parliamentary Scrutiny of Surveillance Laws<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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Today a letter signed by myself and 37 other leading academics and researchers was sent to all 650 UK MPs. In this post I want to explain why we did it and what we hope to achieve.<br />
<br />
The letter, which may be read in full below, calls "on all members of the House of Commons, new and returning, and of all political persuasions to support us [] by ensuring Parliamentary scrutiny is applied to all developments in UK surveillance laws and powers as proposed by the current Government."<br />
<br />
You may wonder why this is necessary, surely it is automatically the job of MPs to scrutinise Government proposals and to uphold the Rule of Law? This is true, but it is our belief that during the last Parliament amendments were made to the law which allowed the police and the intelligence services, far greater and more invasive powers than had previously been allowed and that often these extensions of the law were not subject to proper Parliamentary scrutiny. It is easiest to explain why we think this by reason of an example:<br />
<br />
In February 2015, the Home Office published the draft <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/401863/Draft_Equipment_Interference_Code_of_Practice.pdf" target="_blank">Equipment Interference Code of Practice</a>. The draft Code was the first time the intelligence services openly sought specific authorisation to hack computers both within and outside the UK. Hacking is a much more intrusive form of surveillance than any previously authorised by Parliament. It also threatens the security of all internet services as the tools intelligence services use to hack can create or maintain security vulnerabilities that may be used by criminals to commit criminal acts and other governments to invade our privacy. The Government, though, sought to authorise its hacking, not through primary legislation and full Parliamentary consideration, but via a Code of Practice.<br />
<br />
It has been argued by some experts, and by the Government, that what they actually did via the Code was merely clarify pre-existing powers found under <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1994/13/crossheading/authorisation-of-certain-actions" target="_blank">ss.5 & 7 of the Intelligence Services Act 1994</a>. The Code is on this reading merely an elaboration of the detail underpinning such authorisations, which became necessary as a consequence of the<a href="https://www.privacyinternational.org/sites/default/files/IPT%20ruling%20TEMPORA.pdf" target="_blank"> Investigatory Powers Tribunal decision in December 2014</a> concerning the level of detail required for such activities to be ‘in accordance with law’. I'm afraid I cannot agree that this is all the Code of Practice did. I think s.5 is inherently and maybe deliberately vague and was used to authorise the hacking of computers when it was either clearly not originally designed for this, or if it was, it was designed to be so vague as to be misleading. The language of the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1990/18/contents" target="_blank">Computer Misuse Act 1990</a> was available to the drafters of the Intelligence Services Act, if this was their intent to explicitly cover hacking in s.5 the word "access" could and should have been used. The fact that the government brought in both the Code of Practice and s.44 of the Serious Crime Act 2015 (discussed below) show they too acknowledged this.<br />
<br />
<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="510" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" scrolling="no" src="//www.slideshare.net/slideshow/embed_code/key/3xJ5jwj4r7fWjG" style="border-width: 1px; border: 1px solid #CCC; margin-bottom: 5px; max-width: 100%;" width="477"> </iframe> <br />
<strong><a href="https://www.slideshare.net/AndrewMurray3/academic-letter-re-changes-in-surveillance-law" target="_blank" title="Academic letter re changes in surveillance law">Academic letter re changes in surveillance law</a> </strong>from <strong><a href="https://www.slideshare.net/AndrewMurray3" target="_blank">Andrew Murray</a></strong><br />
<br />
Another example of a lack of proper Parliamentary scrutiny, in my view, is <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2015/9/section/44" target="_blank">s.44 of the Serious Crime Act 2015</a>. This amends <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1990/18/section/10" target="_blank">s.10 of the Computer Misuse Act 1990</a> to allow law enforcement officers (including the intelligence services), to hack into computer systems (or to impair their operation) under any piece of Primary or subordinate legislation (such as s.5 of the intelligence services Act 1994 when coupled with the Code of Practice). This is, in my view, a massive extension of the original purpose and meaning of s.10 which was essentially to allow police forensic investigators to gain access to a seized computer without the permission of the owner. You may think well this is okay as this was passed as Primary Legislation, an Act of Parliament. True but read the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2015/9/notes/division/3/2/2/4" target="_blank">explanatory notes</a>, which also were attached to the Bill when it was considered by Parliamentarians: "The amendment to section 10 of the 1990 Act made by this section is a clarifying amendment." As you have seen in my view it is much much more than merely a clarification of the law, it is an extension of it. This has also impacted on the ongoing cases <a href="https://www.privacyinternational.org/?q=node/81" target="_blank">Privacy International v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs</a> and <a href="https://www.privacyinternational.org/?q=node/82" target="_blank">GreenNet et al. v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs</a>.<br />
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<span style="font-family: inherit;">To be clear we do not want the Government to be unable to secure the safety of the UK and its citizens. We are, as the letter records, "people from both sides of this issue - those who
believe that increased powers are a reasonable response to an emerging threat,
and those who think them an unjustified extension of state interference." We do not want the Government to be unable to carry out reasonable surveillance to protect the state and all those resident in the UK. We have written this letter to ensure proper Parliamentary scrutiny of any such provision and to ensure the Rule of Law is followed. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">Media Coverage: <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/may/26/legal-experts-greater-scrutiny-surveillance-laws" target="_blank">The Guardian</a>, <a href="https://home.bt.com/news/uk-news/mps-warned-over-surveillance-laws-11363983097228" target="_blank">BT News</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xvrUdGLIP3U" target="_blank">Wochit</a>, <a href="http://www.thedrum.com/news/2015/05/26/academics-urge-mps-respect-rule-law-and-democracy-surveillance-powers-grow" target="_blank">The Drum</a>, <a href="http://www.westernmorningnews.co.uk/MPs-urged-use-caution-increasing-Government/story-26572872-detail/story.html" target="_blank">Western Morning News</a>, <a href="http://www.firmmagazine.com/uk-academics-pen-open-letter-state-surveillance/" target="_blank">Firm Magazine</a>, <a href="https://www.commonspace.scot/articles/1439/35-academics-sign-letter-calling-for-transparency-in-new-uk-government-data-surveillance-proposals" target="_blank">Common Space</a>, <a href="http://rt.com/uk/261969-surveillance-powers-academics-transparency/" target="_blank">Russia Today</a>, <a href="http://arstechnica.co.uk/tech-policy/2015/05/new-surveillance-laws-must-have-full-public-debate-say-top-uk-academics/" target="_blank">Ars Technica</a>, <a href="http://www.itpro.co.uk/data-protection/24670/legal-scholars-plead-with-mps-over-snooper-s-charter" target="_blank">IT Pro</a>, <a href="http://www.pogowasright.org/uk-35-academics-sign-letter-calling-for-transparency-in-new-uk-government-data-surveillance-proposals/" target="_blank">PogoWasRight</a>, <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/05/27/cameron-surveillance-letter-queens-speech-theresa-may_n_7450614.html" target="_blank">Huffington Post UK</a> </span><br />
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-5785460842387632682014-12-17T07:25:00.000-08:002014-12-17T07:25:45.512-08:00Should we be Afraid of the Dark Net<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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The text below was first published on Friday 12 December 2014 as "The dark web is not just for paedophiles, drug dealers and terrorists" published by the Independent - <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/the-dark-web-is-not-just-for-paedophiles-drug-dealers-and-terrorists-9920667.html">Link</a>.<br />
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On Wednesday the Prime Minister announced that a new police
and intelligence unit formed by GCHQ and the National Crime Agency would be set
up to police the Dark Net. It is needed, according to the Prime Minister,
because the Dark Net is full of “<a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/new-police-unit-will-track-down-paedophiles-on-the-dark-net-9916533.html">sickening</a>”
images that are shared by paedophiles. To quote from his speech: “T<span style="background: white; color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">he dark net is the next side of the problem,
where paedophiles and perverts are sharing images, not using the normal parts
of the internet that we all use.” Just before he gave his speech the Home
Secretary wrote in the Daily Telegraph that “</span><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/womens-politics/11283651/Child-abuse-online-How-Theresa-May-and-the-Government-aim-to-protect-Britains-children.html"><span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We need a technological response to tackle anonymous networks
of criminals and we need to see more coordinated action to close the net on
perpetrators</span></a><span style="background: white; color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">.” This is clearly a
tightly co-ordinated government policy move designed to tie in with the WeProtect
Summit, which saw delegates from law enforcement and technology companies from
more than fifty countries descend on Whitehall. The question is though is this
a policy development we demand or even need? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; color: #333333; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The dark net is an
area often misunderstood by government and by the public at large. Headlines
tend to be lurid “</span><a href="http://www.gq-magazine.co.uk/comment/articles/2013-02/07/silk-road-online-drugs-guns-black-market/viewall"><span style="background: white; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Unravelling the Dark Web: </span><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Forget South American
cartels and Russian arms dealers: the black market has moved online</span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">”
or “</span><a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2454735/The-disturbing-world-Deep-Web-contract-killers-drug-dealers-ply-trade-internet.html"><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
disturbing world of the Deep Web, where contract killers and drug dealers ply
their trade on the internet</span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">.” In truth the
reality of the dark net is rather more prosaic. There is, as with all areas of
life, a criminal element within the dark web. Probably though no more than
there is in the surface web. Yes you can find sites offering drugs or images of
child abuse but you can also find these things on the surface web. The dark
web, which is accessed though anonymisation software such as Tor, also offers
essential privacy and anonymity to persons at risk and to ordinary people like
you and me. Reporters Without Borders </span><a href="https://www.wefightcensorship.org/online-survival-kithtml.html"><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">recommend
the use of Tor</span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> as part of its “survival kit” for
bloggers, journalists and activists in countries where they may be at risk from
state censorship or even arrest. The International Broadcasting Bureau (who
broadcast Voice of America and Radio Free Asia) is a major Tor sponsor and
recommends its use by persons in repressive regimes to allow them access to
global media. Tor is also recommended by Human Rights Watch and by Global
Voices. It is not only human rights organisations and media groups who
recommend its use; IT professionals and business executives also use Tor to,
among other things, test firewalls, provide emergency internet access during
DNS failures and provide confidentiality. The clearest picture of the value of
the anonymised deep web, or dark web if you must, is to be found in the </span><a href="https://www.torproject.org/about/findoc/2013-TorProject-FinancialStatements.pdf"><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Tor
Project’s financial reports</span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. Here we see that
the project received over $1.8m from the US Government in 2013, equating to over
50% of total income. The grants come from a number of resources including over
$555,000 from Internetwork News, a non-profit democracy and human rights group
funded by the US State Department and over $830,000 from SRI international,
which is funded by the US Department of Defense. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">If you think it seems quite unlikely
that the US Government would be funding a service which supports paedophiles,
drug dealers and terrorists, that’s because as I hope you’re beginning to see,
that’s not what the dark net is. Reporting that part of the dark net without
context is like reporting only the criminal activity that happens in a town or
city without also reporting on the vibrant community, culture and commerce that
thrives there. As with all communities there is a criminal element but the dark
net community is much more. The problem is unlike a real world town or city
most people either can’t or don't want to visit the dark net so their
perception is driven by one-sided reporting. We imagine the worst and fail to
see the best. It is this perception that is driving the policy shift signalled
in the last 48 hours. The Prime Minister and Home Secretary are signalling an
attack on the soft underbelly of the dark net. No one is going to stand up and
defend the actions of paedophiles, so announcing a policy designed to attack
paedophiles and to remove child abuse images is going to get little to no
negative reaction. However two things must be borne in mind. The first is that
in 2004 BT introduced its Anti-Child Abuse Initiative, colloquially known as
Cleanfeed, to block access to child abuse images held on surface web servers
overseas. This was met with almost universal acclaim but in 2008 this system
prevented UK Wikipedia users from editing pages on the site for nearly four days.
Although arguably a correct application of the principles the system was
designed for, it had clearly over-regulated. Moreover the changes in the
application of Cleanfeed from 2011 onwards, in particular its use to </span><a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/court-orders-isps-to-block-pirate-bay-website-7697855.html?"><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">block
file sharing websites</span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, is a clear development of a
technology designed for a laudable purpose; to police paedophiles, to another
less clear-cut application the policing of file sharing. The second is the
particular announcement of the Prime Minister that GCHQ will form part of the
new deep web policing unit. Post the Edward Snowden revelations the use of
anonymisation tools such as Tor rose substantially with </span><a href="http://www.dailydot.com/politics/tor-usage-doubles-snowden-nsa-prism/"><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">some
reports</span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> suggesting they have increased by 100%
or more.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Documents released by Snowden
and reported in the </span><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/interactive/2013/oct/04/tor-high-secure-internet-anonymity"><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Guardian</span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
suggested that the NSA were targeting Tor before this. A cynical observer may
suggest that a non-controversial, even welcome, plan to track paedophiles in
the dark web may provide GCHQ with the Trojan horse they need to infiltrate and
eventually strip away the anonymity that Tor offers to journalists, bloggers,
activists and privacy advocates. If this happens the dark web may no longer be
dark but it may also no longer be safe. </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div>
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com8tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-77539768158196137322014-10-22T08:48:00.000-07:002014-10-23T01:19:50.168-07:00Sabbatical in Amsterdam<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.torontoobserver.ca/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/4715950442_e7904d5a3a-e1278476964158.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.torontoobserver.ca/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/4715950442_e7904d5a3a-e1278476964158.jpg" height="283" width="400" /></a></div>
I'm coming to the end of the first part of my sabbatical visit to the Centre for Law, Internet, Intellectual Property and ICT at the <a href="http://www.rechten.vu.nl/en/about-the-faculty/faculty/faculty/transnational-legal-studies/index.asp">Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam</a>. It is made up of a small but intense group of researchers led by <a href="http://www.rechten.vu.nl/en/about-the-faculty/faculty/faculty/transnational-legal-studies/lodder-a-r.asp">Arno Lodder</a> with <a href="http://www.rechten.vu.nl/en/about-the-faculty/faculty/faculty/transnational-legal-studies/wisman.asp">Tijmen Wisman</a>, <a href="http://www.rechten.vu.nl/en/about-the-faculty/faculty/faculty/transnational-legal-studies/hoven-van-genderen-r.asp">Rob van den Hoven van Genderin</a>, <a href="http://www.rechten.vu.nl/en/about-the-faculty/faculty/faculty/transnational-legal-studies/boer-l.asp">Lianne Boer</a> and <a href="http://www.rechten.vu.nl/en/about-the-faculty/faculty/faculty/transnational-legal-studies/jozwiak-m-e.asp">Magdelena Jozwiak</a> (apologies to anyone I've missed). I'll be back in Amsterdam in November to build upon the connections I've made (as well as visiting Brussels and Tilburg).<br />
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What has been most interesting though is how things are the same wherever you go. The cases and the issues which are challenging and vexing researchers in Amsterdam are the same as the ones which vex us back in the UK. I've read a really very interesting case note prepared by Tijmen on the case of <a href="http://uitspraken.rechtspraak.nl/inziendocument?id=ECLI:NL:GHSHE:2014:2803">The Netherlands v SMS Parking</a>. This case raises similar concerns to many we discuss in the UK about personal data privacy and the security of data held by third parties and I'm delighted to bring it to a British audience. In essence (and I'm not going to say too much you can all - through the wonders of Google translate even if your Dutch isn't fluent - read the case for yourselves) SMS parking offer paid parking in a number of major Dutch cities and municipalities. Cleverly payment is made by SMS message meaning no searching in the bottom of your purse or wallet for a €2 coin.This means SMS Parking retain considerable personal data about their customers including where they parked and when, their mobile/cell number and the registration details of their vehicle. The Dutch revenue and taxation authorities sought access to this data under the General Tax Act asking SMS Parking for "registration, date, place (location) and time of parking". They sought this data in relation to <b>all</b> customers of SMS Parking regardless of their taxation status (ie this was not restricted to citizens under investigation). It seems the tax authorities were trying to locate vehicles which had been fraudulently registered as off the road, with dealers or as commercial vehicles, when they were in use as private cars. The data gathered from SMS Parking would be combined with other data in government databases to produce "hits" of suspect vehicles, all other data would be deleted once cross-checked. SMS Parking objected to the request of the tax authorities. They reasoned that such a wide ranging request was disproportionate and would be in breach of both Art.33 of the (Dutch) Data Protection Act and Art.8 of the ECHR.<br />
<br />
At an initial hearing SMS Parking were successful but on appeal to the Court of 's-Hertogenbosch this decision was overturned and an order in favour of the tax authority was substituted. The Court reasoned that under the relevant tax laws the revenue authority were entitled to seek this information. Although it could be obtained through other means, the quickest and simplest was for the authority to ask SMS Parking for the data. This was not a breach of Art.8 as the authority were entitled to the data and were entitled to ask for it from SMS Parking. Similarly they found that as the state has a legitimate interest in this data, under Dutch tax laws, this meant that SMS need not fear sanctions under data protection law. In his case comment Tijmen makes the point that the request for all data seems though massively disproportionate to the form of investigation (a double check on tax received). Although Tijmen does not use this term he is suggesting that the authorities are engaged in a trawling operation and I agree. He goes on to suggest that the law here is inappropriately vague and refers to <a href="http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.aspx?i=001-57626#{"itemid":["001-57626"]}">Kruslin v France</a> and in particular the observation at [33] that the law requires to be particularly precise when dealing with an Art.8 interference especially as technology evolves and becomes more sophisticated. Again I find myself in agreement.<br />
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Also here from Rob I have learned about the case of <a href="http://uitspraken.rechtspraak.nl/inziendocument?id=ECLI:NL:RBDHA:2014:8966">Citizens v Plasterk</a>. This seems very much like a Dutch companion piece to our very own series of cases including - <a href="http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.aspx?i=001-140713#{"itemid":["001-140713"]}">Big Brother Watch v UK</a>, <a href="https://privacyinternational.org/resources/legal-action/privacy-international-v-secretary-of-state-for-the-foreign-and-commonwealth">Privacy International v GCHQ</a><a href="https://privacyinternational.org/resources/legal-action/privacy-international-v-secretary-of-state-for-the-foreign-and-commonwealth"> </a>and <a href="https://www.privacyinternational.org/resources/legal-action/greennet-et-al-v-secretary-of-state-for-foreign-and-commonwealth-affairs-and">GreenNet v Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs</a>. Rob noted to me that "the Court ruled that the margin of appreciation by the governmental agencies would take into account the guarantees of purpose orientation and proportionality. The use and exchange of 'raw telecommunication data' concerned a low level of privacy protection. Therefore article 8 EHRM was not endangered by the (unfettered) exchange of telecommunication traffic data between the AIVD and the NSA. (of course I disagree!)." I also disagree and wonder if this might make an interesting companion piece to Big Brother Watch v UK in Strasbourg?<br />
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<br />Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-66394212162918507052014-10-21T06:42:00.001-07:002014-10-22T07:41:24.761-07:00Where's the Harm?<a href="http://www.stjohnstreet.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/32_50_stoleniphone04_z.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.stjohnstreet.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/32_50_stoleniphone04_z.jpg" height="226" width="320" /></a><span style="font-family: inherit;">This blog does sometimes fall a bit moribund but with your correspondent on sabbatical leave in the current academic year it is to be hoped that a more regular correspondence may arise. Today I'm looking at two news reports from the last week (and allied documentation as one should take stories in the print media with a pinch of salt as will be seen) and I am asking whether the harm principle is still to be found in the actions of lawmakers, especially when faced with amorphous digital harms.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: inherit;">The two media stories are this. According to the </span><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/crime/11174700/Community-sentence-proposed-for-low-level-robbers.html" style="font-family: inherit;">Daily Telegraph</a><span style="font-family: inherit;"> "Muggers could be handed a community sentence instead of being jailed under new guidelines. The Sentencing Council, the Government’s official advisers, has published a consultation paper setting out how offenders convicted of street robbery – but who are deemed to be at the lower end of the scale - could be handed a punishment ranging from a 'high level community order' to two years’ imprisonment." Meanwhile according to many sites but my favourite is of course the </span><a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2798573/crackdown-cyber-mobs-poisoning-britain-sentence-web-trolls-quadrupled-two-years-shocking-high-profile-online-abuse-cases.html" style="font-family: inherit;">Daily Mail</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">, a new "Chloe's Law" - don't you already love it! will mean that "Internet Trolls who subject victims to vile abuse are to be jailed for up to two years under a tough Government crackdown." Now both stories have elements of truth and untruth about them - welcome to the modern print/online media world. But underlying them is an uncomfortable message. It seems that the Government think that we, as a community, are more afraid of hate speech than hate acts. Firstly let me be clear I do not and never will defend the acts of idiots of sending violent threats via Twitter or similar (see also </span><a href="http://theweek.com/article/index/267333/how-to-stop-misogynists-from-terrorizing-the-world-of-gamers" style="font-family: inherit;">Gamergate</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">). If you send a threat of violence over any social media platform or any private platform (including email) then the CPS should bring an action against you under any one of the smorgasbord of options open to them including <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1988/27/section/1">s.1 of the </a></span><a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1988/27/section/1">Malicious Communications Act<span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></a>, <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/21/section/127">s.127 of the Communications Act</a>, <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/Vict/24-25/100/section/16">s.16 of the Offences Against the Person Act</a> or in certain circumstances <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1986/64/part/III">Part III of the Public Order Act</a>. Rather the issue I want to raise is the juxtaposition of these two stories - are we as a society happy to say that our sentencing policy is that we believe it is a more heinous offence to send a threatening message to someone via digital media platforms than it is to subject someone to fear and potential violence on the streets of this country? I'm not downplaying the impact of hate or violent online speech merely getting to the punishment fitting the crime and asking is there more harm in trolling and violent online speech than in street robbery?<br />
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<h3>
The True Stories</h3>
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Of course the truth is that neither media story is true entirely. When we dig beneath each of them we see something perhaps more worrying in the way government policy is developing. Starting with the Daily Telegraph story a little light digging in other media outlets finds a different spin. The <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-29693494">BBC</a> report that "robbers who use, or threaten to use, guns or knives during crimes, should expect to receive tougher jail sentences", while the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2014/oct/21/knife-and-gun-crime-to-receive-longer-sentences">Guardian</a> reports similarly. We see here the Telegraph spinning the story to appeal to its reader demographic while the <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2801123/muggers-pretend-weapon-face-eight-years-prison.html?ITO=1490&ns_mchannel=rss&ns_campaign=1490">Daily Mail</a> sends a somewhat mixed message. To get to the truth we need to look at the Sentencing Council's <a href="http://sentencingcouncil.judiciary.gov.uk/docs/Robbery_offences_guideline_consultation_(web).pdf">Consultation Document</a>. Here we see an element of truth in the Daily Telegraph's story. While much of the document is taken up with discussion of stronger sentencing guidelines for Category A "High Culpability" and Category B "Medium Culpability" offences and for Category 1 "Serious physical and/or psychological damage" and Category 2 "Some physical and/or psychological damage above the level of harm inherent in the offence of robbery" harms there is a magical mix of offence and harm Categories C "Lesser Culpability" and 3 "absent categories 1 or 2" where the Sentencing Council suggest sentencing in the range of "high level community order to 2 years custody". It should be noted they still suggest 1 year custody as the normal starting point. Thus to Telegraph is right to point out that that for the first time a Community Order is set out in sentencing guidelines for street robbery. Although it should be noted that such orders are already frequently used and the Sentencing Council do not seem to be suggesting any change in current policy to make sentencing less lenient. </div>
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The "Chloe's Law" truth is more alarming and departs further from the media reports. Here the media seem to be in agreement. This is a new proposal say they all. The Mail on Sunday reports "Justice Secretary Chris Grayling revealed to the Mail on Sunday that the maximum six month sentence for internet abuse will be quadrupled" - reported 18 October 2014. The <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-29678989">BBC</a> also refer to "new measures"<span id="goog_316085239"></span><span id="goog_316085240"></span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/"></a> while the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/oct/19/justice-secretary-chris-grayling-pledges-stiffer-sentences-for-internet-trolls">Guardian</a> announced that the Justice Secretary had "announced plans". This though is a smokescreen: "Chloe's Law" is in fact a restatement of already announced changes to legislation. The proposed change in sentencing powers under s.1 of the Malicious Communications Act was first set out in the the Criminal Justice and Courts Bill since at least April 2014 (see cl.17) and was subject to a Ministry of Justice <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/321285/malicious-communicationss-impact-assessment.pdf">impact assessment</a> in May 2014. So if we follow the logic of the press the Justice Secretary revealed on October 18, 2014 proposed changes in the law which have been debated in Parliament since April 2014....<br />
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<h3>
Where's the Harm?</h3>
</div>
<div>
The bit I'm concerned about is not that internet trolls should be dealt with to the full effect of the law, nor that people involved in Category C/3 street robberies should not be offered the opportunity at rehabilitation without further filling the UK's prisons. It is the message of these two proposed pieces of Government intervention into the UK's criminal law. I'm quite happy to see further discussion of Category C/3 street robberies remembering that the Sentencing Council still suggest one year imprisonment is the normal starting point in sentencing while suggesting stronger sentences for aggravated robberies, especially those involving weapons. What I'm questioning is why in the same summer we are suggesting that offences under s.1 of the Malicious Communications Act (an Act which is 16 years old and has in the main been working well for all of that period) be made triable both ways. The reasoning behind this is set out in the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/321285/malicious-communicationss-impact-assessment.pdf">impact assessment</a>. </div>
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<div>
We are told that "Angie Bray MP made representations arising from a case in her constituency involving an adult male sending sexually explicit text messages to a 13 year old girl. A prosecution under section 15 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 (which makes it an offence to groom a child and then meet them for the purposes of sexual activity) failed because there had been no such meeting. By then, it was too late to prosecute the man under the Malicious Communications Act 1988, as the six-month time limit within which to bring a prosecution had run out." Further we are told "Representations were also made that the six month time limit on the offence under hampers police investigations into internet related offences that might be charged under section 1, for example in the context of trolling. Some cases may also justify a higher penalty than is possible for a summary offence. In light of these representations, the Government accepted an amendment tabled by Angie Bray at the Commons Committee Stage of the Criminal Justice and Courts Bill to amend section 1 of the Malicious Communications Act to address this problem. The Criminal Justice and Courts Bill was therefore amended to include this provision." </div>
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The law, which lets remember affects everyone in the UK, is thus changed because of one case where a failure to bring a prosecution appropriately in time caused a potential offender to escape trial and a reported "hampering" of police investigative activity (without evidence to this effect). It is of course false to say that in every case the Police are so affected. In cases where <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/Vict/24-25/100/section/16">s.16 of the Offences Against the Person Act</a> (death threats) may be brought into play an indictment may be brought. Similarly charges under <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1986/64/part/III">Part III of the Public Order Act</a> are indictable as are offences under Part IIIA (Racial and Religious hatred and hatred on grounds of Sexual Orientation). The concept of the distinction between summary and indictable offences is to reflect the difference in severity. This is where I am uncomfortable. Although there can never be a reason to permit in a civil society harmful speech including online rape threats, I believe the law as passed in 1988 (and subsequently) is sufficient to police this. I do believe that for most people the act of being robbed in the street (even without additional violence or threat) is much more visceral, immediate and harmful than the receipt of speech messages sent via social media or elsewhere (this is not to deny the harm caused by aggravation such as making specific threats against the person or revealing knowledge of location or home address). The police and prosecution services have been able to protect citizens against such threats for sixteen years using the law as it was passed. Is there really a need to pass such heavy handed further legislation with the concomitant effects it is likely to have on free expression - especially if it is merely a play to the gallery of readers of right wing newspapers? </div>
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-20255730950926997392014-03-14T07:51:00.001-07:002014-03-14T07:51:36.901-07:00LSE Literary Festival - Private Lives: do we still value our privacy?To complete today's series cataloguing my recent public lectures and talks, on March 1st I spoke at the LSE literary festival as part of a panel with <a href="http://www.gold.ac.uk/ecl/staff/j-cohen/">Josh Cohen</a> and <a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/media@lse/WhosWho/AcademicStaff/EllenHelsper.aspx">Ellen Helsper</a> on the topic Private Lives: do we still value our privacy? The panel talks and discussion are available as a podcast and in addition my slides are available online from the <a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/newsAndMedia/videoAndAudio/channels/publicLecturesAndEvents/player.aspx?id=2307">Podcast page</a>.<br />
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<br />Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-69192116039022848082014-03-14T07:44:00.000-07:002014-03-14T07:51:58.616-07:00Orwell +30This is the content of a talk I recently gave to the <a href="http://2014.bristollawconference.com/">2014 Bristol Law Conference</a>. It is another of a series I am giving on my current theme of challenges to digital privacy.<br />
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<h2>
<span lang="EN-US">Orwell +30: 2014 as Orwell</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-ansi-language: FR;">’</span><span lang="EN-US">s 1984<o:p></o:p></span></h2>
<div class="Body">
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<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Classic Literature is often
a mirror which society holds up to itself. Nothing captures where we are as a
society at any point in time more than the classical works of literature which
become the artefacts of that society. Many such classical artefacts prey on our
concerns for privacy and personal security such as Franz Kafka's The Trial,
Aldous Huxley's Brave New World or most famously 1984. This is the work which
gave us terms such as Orwellian, Big Brother, Newspeak and Room 101. </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">In</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">
this work, published in</span><span lang="EN-US"> 1948 George Orwell gave us a
pessimistic view of the future as a dystopian society where facts were subject
to constant revision, there was a state of permanent war and citizens of
Airship One (and in other parts of Oceania) were locked in permanent war with
Eurasia and/or Eastasia, truth was distorted by newspeak and doublethink and
the state was perpetually surveilling all its citizens through telescreens and
the dreaded thought police.</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">I</span><span lang="EN-US">t was clearly the dread view of an author who had lived through the
Spanish Civil War and World War II, who had seen the beginnings of the Cold War
and who was familiar with both Stalin</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-ansi-language: FR;">’</span><span lang="EN-US">s purges and
Western class warfare. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Let's hear a little bit of
Orwell's vision:</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">It was a bright cold day in April, and the
clocks were striking thirteen. Winston Smith, his chin nuzzled into his breast
in an effort to escape the vile wind, slipped quickly through the glass doors
of Victory Mansions, though not quickly enough to prevent a swirl of gritty
dust from entering along with him. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">The hallway smelt of boiled cabbage and old rag
mats. At one end of it a colored poster, too large for indoor display, had been
tacked to the wall. It depicted simply an enormous face, more than a meter
wide: the face of a man of about forty-five, with a heavy black mustache and
ruggedly handsome features. Winston made for the stairs.</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">...</span><span lang="EN-US">On each landing,
opposite the lift shaft, the poster with the enormous face gazed from the wall.
It was one of those pictures which are so contrived that the eyes follow you
about when you move. BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU, the caption beneath it ran. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">Inside the flat a fruity voice was reading out a
list of figures which had something to do with the production of pig iron. The
Voice came from an oblong metal plaque like a dulled mirror which formed part
of the surface of the right-hand wall. Winston turned a switch and the voice
sank somewhat, though the words were still distinguishable. The instrument (the
telescreen, it was called) could be dimmed, but there was no way of shutting it
off completely.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">Outside, even through the shut window pane, the
world looked cold.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> </span><span lang="EN-US">The black-mustachio'd face gazed down from every commanding corner.
There was one on the house front immediately opposite. BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING
YOU, the caption said, while the dark eyes looked deep into Winston's own.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the far distance a helicopter skimmed down
between the roofs, overhead for an instant like a blue-bottle, and darted away
again with a curving flight. It was the Police Patrol, snooping into people's
windows. The patrols did not matter, however. Only the Thought Police mattered.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">Behind Winston's back the voice from the
telescreen was still babbling away about pig iron and the overfulfillment of
the Ninth Three-Year Plan. The telescreen received and transmitted
simultaneously. Any sound that Winston made, above the level of a very low
whisper, would be picked up by it; moreover, so long as he remained within the
field of vision which the metal plate commanded, he could be seen as well as
heard. There was of course no way of knowing whether you were being watched at
any given moment. How often, or on what system, the Thought Police plugged in
on any individual wire was guesswork. It was even conceivable that they watched
everybody all the time. but at any rate they could plug in your wire whenever
they wanted to. You have to live - did live, from habit that became instinct -
in the assumption that every sound you made was overheard, and, except in
darkness, every movement scrutinized. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">The War on Terror, like the Cold War before it,
leaves us in a state of permanent war, but not with another state but with
ideology or radicalism (a moveable concept that can be moved from Iraq to
Afghanistan to Pakistan or wherever else required). Winston kept his back
turned to the telescreen. It was safer; though, as he well knew, even a back
can be revealing.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">This sounds a terror
inducing society and indeed the society Orwell goes on to discuss becomes the
touchstone of modern fears of the surveillance state. When 1984 came and went
and the world wasn't as described by Orwell we let out a collective sigh of
relief. But maybe we were premature lets look at Orwell's world as described
through the eyes of a 2014 audience. </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Firstly we must hold the
populous in fear - a state of constant warfare worked well for Orwell. While he
clearly had in mind the nascent Cold War he recognised the value of a war not
actually being fought (for most of the time) by men and weapons. It is hard to
keep a hot war going for any length of time as the public tire of death of the
resources of the state become quickly exhausted. The Cold War lasted for almost
fifty years but then petered out as the Soviet Union collapsed under the weight
of fighting the war. Now we have another newer war - </span><span lang="EN-US">The
War on Terror</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> or to give it its
proper name - the global war on terrorism was declared by US President George
Bush in October 2001. It is still ongoing twelve years and five months later.
It has now reached around one quarter of the length of the Cold War and shows
no sign of flagging. L</span><span lang="EN-US">ike the Cold War before it,
leaves us in a state of permanent war, but not with another state but with
ideology or radicalism (a moveable concept that can be moved from Iraq to
Afghanistan to Pakistan or wherever else required).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Secondly we need a state
where the media is subject to revision and control Newspeak and Doublethink.
Although it is harder to make the case for this there are clear examples of
spin and media management. The current coalition government has been criticised
for the creative way they have interpreted the data to suggest they increased
spending on flood defences when in fact they cut spending upon taking office
but claimed the benefit of investment made by the previous Labour government. Not
that of course the previous Government is a relative paragon of virtue.
Alastair Campbell has become the focus of much debate on thee politics of spin
and the model for comedy character Malcolm Tucker. It would be funny if it
weren't for the fact that they deliberately misled the country (and arguably
Parliament) in an act which took this country to war. A more pressing concern
surrounding newspeak and spin is the current post Leveson environment where
newspapers are being forced to sign up to a new independent regulator - the </span><span lang="EN-US">Independent Press Standards Organisation</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> which is likely to be chaired by Lord Chris
Smith the current chair of the Environment Agency - have you noticed how the
papers have gone quiet on their criticism of the EA? Meanwhile the media are
complicit on educating us through </span><span lang="EN-US">through daily
dispatches about asylum seekers, benefit cheats, islamic fundamentalism and the
UK as an inclusive or </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">“</span><span lang="EN-US">big</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">” </span><span lang="EN-US">society.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">By far though the greatest
concern Orwell raises is the surveillance concern. A thought police which has
drone which can monitor us as we go about our daily lives, microphones which
can pick up our conversations and of course the ever present telescreen which
invades our personal space. </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Orwell would be shocked at
what the five eyes data sharing agreement between GCHQ, the NSA and Australian,
Canadianand New Zealand partners are doing int he name of public safety and
security. The Edward Snowden revelations have revealed a number of programs and
in a minute I would like to look at two of these Tempora and Optic Nerve. Just
beforehand though lets take a little aside to look at what the Police are doing
in the name of public safety and national security. In 2006 the Identity Cards
Act was introduced with a number of justifications given for it including the
prevention of fraud and organised crime and yes terrorism was also given as a
reason. Following a strong campaign by rights campaigners it was repealed in
2010 but the police weren't worried. Why not? They knew they had alternative
tools which would give them much more information about an individual including
where they are, who with and who they were in contact with through a mixture of
Law and Technology. The Law was the Data Retention Regulations the technology
was/is an IMSI catcher </span><span lang="EN-US">essentially a false mobile tower
acting between the target mobile phone(s) and the service providers real towers</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">.</span><span lang="EN-US"> It </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">can be</span><span lang="EN-US"> used as an
eavesdropping device </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">or </span><span lang="EN-US">for interception and tracking of cellular phones and usually is
undetectable for the users of mobile phones</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">. It is often employed by UK police forces at marches and demonstrations
and sometimes are employed near sensitive sites. If you are more mobile the
police - like Orwell's thought police can employ drones to monitor your actions
with a number of UK forces licensed by the Civil Aviation Authority to deploy
drones. More recently the literary model for the Metropolitan Police has been
to abandon Orwell and move to Philip K Dick with the news that a Minority
Report style software program is being trialled. The software allows the police
to </span><span lang="EN-US">predict that a spot, no larger than 250 yards
across, is likely to become a crime</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">.
</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">This is all designed to
make us feel safer but despite the fact that crime statistics show crime is
falling I still don't necessarily feel safer knowing this - I don't know about
you. </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Of course what the police
do pales into insignificance compared to GCHQ's actions. The Tempora programme </span><span lang="EN-US">operate</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">s</span><span lang="EN-US"> two programs (among others) called </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">“</span><span lang="EN-US">Mastering the
Internet</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">” </span><span lang="EN-US">(MTI) and </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">“</span><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;">Global Telecoms Exploitation.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">” </span><span lang="EN-US">Tempora
extracts and processes data from fibre-optic cable communications. The data is
preserved for three days while metadata is kept for thirty days. The Guardian
newspaper claims that no distinction is made in the gathering of data between
private citizens and targeted suspects and Tempora is said to include
recordings of telephone calls, the content of email messages, Facebook entries
and the personal Internet history of users.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>At its inception in 2011 it is claimed GCHQ could intercept 200GB of
data per second (that</span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-ansi-language: FR;">’</span><span lang="EN-US">s about 2.8 million emails per
second) and this capacity has surely grown.</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> Meanwhile Optic Nerve saw GCHQ, with NSA assistance, tap into webcam
data and capture millions of images of users of Yahoo! Messenger. These two
programmes give GCHQ access to much more and much more personal data that
Orwell's telescreen. Worse you are unaware of your being observed meaning there
is little you can do to protect yourself. Modern dataveillance is much more
invasive than surveillance as it is almost impossible to hide your inner self.
See the Tesco pregnancy case. </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">So is this all legal?
That's what you want to know. In all likelihood yes which is a worrying failure
for Parliament. Both technologies can be legally employed under s.8 of the
Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 (RIPA). </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">In most </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">RIPA</span><span lang="EN-US"> cases, a minister has to be told the name
of an individual or firm being targeted before a warrant is granted. But
section 8 permits GCHQ to perform more sweeping and indiscriminate trawls of
external data if a minister issues a "certificate" along with the
warrant. It allows ministers to sanction the collection, storage and analysis
of vast amounts of material, using technologies that barely existed when </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">RIPA</span><span lang="EN-US"> was introduced.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> </span><span lang="EN-US">The
collection of </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">both Tempora and
Optic Nerve </span><span lang="EN-US">material was probably secured by getting an
"external warrant" under paragraph four of section 8 of </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">RIPA.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Fortunately the Guardian is
now reporting that</span><span lang="EN-US"> the parliamentary intelligence and
security committee </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">–
</span><span lang="EN-US">not a body known for challenging the agencies with any
robustness </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">– </span><span lang="EN-US">is now questioning whether ministers and the agencies can really use
</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">RIPA in this way. </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">You may be thinking how is
this compliant with the Human Rights Act? Well as any Human Rights lawyer will
tell you the ECHR has more holes than protection. Look at Art.8</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;">Article 8 </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">– </span><span lang="EN-US">Right
to respect for private and family life<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">1. Everyone has the right to respect for his
private and family life, his home and his correspondence.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<span lang="EN-US">2. There shall be no interference by a public
authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in accordance with
the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national
security, public safety or the economic well-being of the country, for the
prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for
the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Other provisions like </span><span lang="EN-US">Art.12 UDHR and Arts.7&8 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> have similar restrictions in the name of
security and law enforcement. But the question I want you to go away with today
is is this morally correct and what should the guardians of our civil liberties
- judges and lawmakers do about this? Is it acceptable for Parliament to allow
GCHQ to act in this way? It seems to me that by applying a piece of legislation
written when Google was knits infancy to massive dataveillance systems such as
these there has been a loss of trust. </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">More to the point do we
want to live in an Orwellian society? Would you rather GCHQ monitored all your
emails, calls, instant messages, files, web chats and others if we could have a
society where the risk of terrorist attack, identity fraud and serious crime
was reduced by 65% or would you rather all your details were private without a
warrant and where the risk of crime remained?</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Remember though </span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>as observed by Benjamin
Franklin "They who would give up essential Liberty, to purchase a little
temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">”</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
<br /></div>
<div class="Body">
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-55320256124213835262014-03-14T07:39:00.000-07:002014-03-14T07:39:54.154-07:00Talk at Alton Convent School - February 2014I was recently asked to speak to sixth form students at Alton Convent School as part of their sixth form conference. The topic was "Privacy: Where Should the Line be Drawn?" This is the text.<br />
<br />
<h1>
Alton School Talk<o:p></o:p></h1>
<h2>
1. The Changing Nature of Privacy and Communications<o:p></o:p></h2>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
As technology evolves, society evolves and the nature of
privacy and communication also evolves. When I was your age I had no mobile
phone, email, or social networks. Let’s think for a second about how the world
has changed in social terms in 25 years. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
When I was seventeen I had to arrange to see my friends in
advance because we couldn’t organise things on the fly. As we had no instant
communication spontaneity could only occur if we were all in the same place (a
form of planned spontaneity). As an aside it meant our timekeeping was better
as we couldn’t let our friends know we were running late. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Phones were fixed to the wall and you had to remember (or
write down) everybody’s number. When you called someone the likelihood was their
mum or dad (or brother or sister) would answer the phone so the whole house
knew you had phoned (but didn’t necessarily know what you discussed). Cameras
took rolls of film (which were expensive) and the film had to be developed by a
photo lab (which was also expensive). This meant you took few photos and kept
them as memories and maybe, <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">maybe</b>,
shared a very few of these expensive artefacts with your friends. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Also you had to be very careful about what exactly you took a
picture of as the very last thing you wanted was a call from Boots saying that
they had concerns about the content of photographs, or in the worst case a
visit from the police. This happened more often than you may think, as seen in
the case of newsreader Julia Summerville who was arrested in 1995 while picking
up photographs she had taken which included images of her seven year old
daughter in the bathtub. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Finally if you wanted to communicate something with someone
without using the phone (and assuming you couldn’t just say it to them) you had
to resort that that tried and tested method of sending notes in class which in
all likelihood would either be spotted by the teacher and read out to the entire
class causing you to die of embarrassment or it would be read by one of your
untrustworthy “friends” en route with pretty much the same result come the
lunch break. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Being 17 in 1989 brought with it is seems little in the way
of privacy. Families shared telephones, often sat in the same room and watched
the same TV and when friends wanted to tell you something they had to come to
you, write to you or call you – all methods of communication which left
localised footprints – that is knowledge in your local circle of friends or
family. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Today the digital world offers you privacy enhancing
technology. You have your own smartphones and tablets/laptops. This means you
can call/message your friends without your parents or family knowing. You can
be spontaneous and arrange to meet without planning ahead. Your smartphone
includes a camera, which takes free pictures, and they don’t require
developing. As a result you all take many more photographs than we did when I
was a teenager and instead of a photograph being an artefact, a method of
storing a memory, it has become a form of communication – I’m sure you are all
on Instagram. More than anything though it is integrated communication tools
like WhatsApp and BBM which demonstrate the ability of teenagers to live
private lives in the 21<sup>st</sup> Century.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
But for every action there must be an equal and opposite
reaction. This added convenience, and notional privacy is offset by the power
of digital communicative media. So before coming here today I did a quick
search for information about Alton School and the activities of some of the
girls. I found that a few weeks ago a group of the girls visited the Mary Rose
Museum (and a picture of you all); I also found a group of lower six girls went
to Paris for the Your Future in Europe Conference (and again found some photos)
– I’m glad the tube strike didn’t derail your journey. Just a few weeks earlier
a group of year 9 & 10 girls went to Madrid to meet their pen pals (photos
again) and among other things learned that an Alton pupil won gold at the ISA
National Athletic Championships last year. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
A visitor to my school in 1989 would not have been able to
find all this out. The school newsletter, a physical item, would be distributed
only to a small number of people and would not be searchable in the way modern digital
media are. This is the symbiotic effect of digital communications. To get we
must give. Thus the value of social media is found in giving up information
about oneself to one’s friends – even friends we have never met. To get value
from messaging services we must create circles and cultivate followers – to do
so requires a trade off – a piece of oneself in return for social connections. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Two examples above all else show the price that one must pay
the data hungry service providers (and public):<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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</span></span></span><!--[endif]-->The first is that the usefulness today of mobile
devices is massively enhanced by location services. By enabling location
services one gets access to information and offers local to where you are. When
you ask Siri to “call me a taxi” it will suggest a local cab company or when
asked to “recommend a restaurant” it will give you distances to local
restaurants and ratings. But of course the trade off in this is that Apple,
your network provider, any apps providers and of course the government can know
where you are at any time. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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</span></span></span><!--[endif]-->The second is the modern definition or cult of
celebrity, particularly among celebrities under 30. The definition of a
celebrity today is to “sell” a piece of yourself to your public in a way unseen
in the past. While celebrities like pop stars always traded in the public eye
they had a carefully managed public persona and a private one. In 1964 in an
interview with The Beatles in Los Angeles the band were asked “How do you like
not having any privacy?” In reply Paul said, “We do have some, you know…we don’t
have a lot.” This is a telling statement. It shows that Paul felt that the most
famous band in the world had a line or barrier a public place and a private
place. This was reinforced one year later when Paul was asked again about privacy
in Los Angeles. This time the interviewer asked, “Paul, do you feel that your
vacation here in Los Angeles was a success even though you didn't have very
much privacy?” to which Paul replied “Yeah. We did have a lot of privacy.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Compare this to celebrities today. The closest analogy to The
Beatles is probably One Direction. The One Direction Twitter Account has 17.9
million followers, Harry Styles 19.5 million, Niall Horan 17.4 million, Louis
Tomlinson 15.5 million, Zayn Malik 12.1 million and Liam Payne 15.8 million. On
Facebook they have over 26.6 million likes. I really don’t care about One
Direction. My level of indifference to them is incalculable but I know now
(having just read this) – that Harry Styles has Lego slippers (really!!!) and that
Niall Horan was at Twickenham at the weekend for the England v Ireland game.
Now the guys <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">may </b>be on Twitter
because they want to be or they may be on Twitter because to be a successful
pop group these days you have to be accessible to fans. I don’t know which is
true - what I do know is that Niall Horan had to plead with his fans to give
him some space and time with his family when visiting his home town and that
Harry Styles had to take out a court order banning the paparazzi from pursuing
him in the street or waiting outside his house. This was needed after his
attempts to persuade them to change their behaviour failed.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
Being 17 in 2014 brings a whole new set of privacy challenges
even if you are not a celebrity. Children have their own telephones, TVs,
tablets and laptops. Friends will send you a message using WhatsApp or BBM,
send pictures through Instagram, Snapchat or even old fashioned Facebook. Your
parents and teachers (even your other friends) don’t know who you are in touch
with and where. There are few localised footprints but they have been replaced
with globalised footprints. Now your Dad doesn’t know where you are going or
who with (necessarily) but Apple, O2 and Facebook do.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br />
<h2>
2. Responding to these Changes<o:p></o:p></h2>
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In 1968 a famous US Law Professor Alan Westin wrote, in response
to the rise of digital media, that there were four basic states of privacy:<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b>Solitude</b>
– Is where one is separated from society. On one’s own and free from
observation of others. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b>Intimacy</b>
– Occurs when the individual is part of a small unit such as family, or close
friends.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b>Anonymity</b>
– Is when one is in a public place or performing public acts but is free from
identification or surveillance.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b>Reserve </b> - Is the creation of personal barriers one
builds to protect inner secrets by limiting communication about oneself. Such
as today I’m not going to tell you where I live or the name of my wife. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Westin fits within a group of privacy theorists we call descriptive
theorists – these are people who argue from the perspective of describing why
and when we need privacy but do not make normative evaluations of privacy. Westin realised that with digitisation the
descriptions of privacy would shift from what was called social or cultural
privacy (the respect for the body corporeal through things like locked doors,
closed curtains and cultural values like not “gate-crashing” a funeral or other
private gathering) to informational privacy – <b>“the claim of individuals, groups or institutions to determine for themselves
when, how and to what extent information about them is communicated to others.”</b>
More recently Westin’s concept of descriptive informational privacy was brought
up to date by another US Law Professor Ruth Gavison who defined it as <b>“the measure of the access others have to
you through information, attention and physical proximity.” <o:p></o:p></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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This is still the definition of information privacy we use
today but it was written in 1980: before the development of mobile
telecommunications, social networking or even the widespread adoption of the
Internet. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Both Westin and Gavison suggest some form of control over
access to one’s personal data. This is very important for almost all privacy
theorists define privacy through the concept of individual autonomy. For
Gavison we exercise autonomy or control over our data by controlling access,
while for Westin it is about controlling communication. Two opposite sides of
the same coin – the essential element is control or autonomy in both cases. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
But why is informational autonomy important? This leads us to
the normative theories of privacy – these are scholars who make a normative
evaluation of the need for privacy. The Philosopher Jeffrey Reiman suggests
there are four normative values behind privacy:<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b>Extrinsic
losses of freedom</b> – these occur when people curtail outward behaviours
because they fear it may be unpopular or controversial and they fear reprisals
(such as ridicule, loss of a job etc.) <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b>Intrinsic
losses of freedom</b> – is internal censorship because one is aware they are
being observed. This removes full agency and spontaneity.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b> Symbolic risk</b> – is when systems and
institutions drain our privacy (and therefor our agency) from us as part of the
process of making us part of the institution or system, and<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Symbol; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><b>psycho-political
metamorphosis </b>– occurs when people are subject to constant scrutiny. They
become stunted in thoughts and actions. They aspire to middle-of-the-road
conventionality. They become part of the “happy medium”. <o:p></o:p></div>
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This final point is particularly important for all of you.
You are at the borders of generation Y (the so-called millennials and generation
Z (so called digital natives). You are the first generation to have grown up
with digital social media mapping every part of your life. You are part of what
is sometimes lazily called the digital panopticon a lazy metaphor for the
large-scale gathering of data exercised by public and private bodies. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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The risk to informational privacy comes in two forms. First
there is the risk from private institutions, companies like Facebook, Google
and Twitter. The risk of harm here also comes in two forms: (1) the removal of
individual informational autonomy caused by the need to be a member of sites
and apps like Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, Snapchat etc. The need
you feel to be socially networked – to pass on the most mundane pieces of
information such as what level you have just defeated on Candy Crush or the
latest score you have achieved on Flappy Bird means that your autonomy is ceded
by necessity (the necessity to be part of the network) to the network operators
who set privacy standards. Now you may think you are still in control of your
own privacy – you can set privacy settings on Facebook for example and protect
your timelines or you may block people on Twitter or Instagram, but this only
protects one kind of privacy the privacy within your social network and to
strangers. Privacy settings do not protect you from the network operator:
Facebook knows all and Instagram sees all. (2) Secondly even data, which
appears anonymous or harmless may be data mined to reveal information about
you, perhaps highly sensitive information. In 2006 the release of anonymised
search data by AOL allowed the New York Times to identify user #4417749 as
Thelma Arnold, a 62-year-old widow from Lilburn, Georgia. In the eight years
which have passed data mining techniques have advanced considerably. Companies
such as Google can tell who you are, where you are, where you have been, what
you have bought, what you have looked at and for how long, who your friends are
and in all likelihood whether you are being unfaithful to your partner. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The second risk is from the state. For many years now we have
been fighting (in government terms) a shadow war against “terror”. This has led
to the largest data gathering exercises in history. Just some of the policies this has led to include
all EU (and most other) citizens travelling to the United States having to
agree to their name and passport details being sent to US border officials 24
hours before departure. The Data Retention Directive 2006 requires all EU
network operators to retain certain categories of data (for identifying users
and details of phone calls made and emails sent, excluding the content of those
communications) for a period between six months and two years and to make them
available, on request, to law enforcement authorities for the purposes of
investigating, detecting and prosecuting serious crime and terrorism. Meanwhile
all this is going on in public we now know that GCHQ and the NSA were engaged
in the largest data gathering exercise in history known collectively as
PRISM/TEMPORA. TEMPORA which is the UK end of the data sharing agreement sees
GCHQ operate two programs (among others) called “Mastering the Internet” (MTI)
and “Global Telecoms Exploitation.” Tempora extracts and processes data from
fibre-optic cable communications. The data is preserved for three days while
metadata is kept for thirty days. The Guardian newspaper claims that no
distinction is made in the gathering of data between private citizens and
targeted suspects and Tempora is said to include recordings of telephone calls,
the content of email messages, Facebook entries and the personal Internet
history of users. At its inception in
2011 it is claimed GCHQ could intercept 200GB of data per second (that’s about
2.8 million emails per second) and this capacity has surely grown. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<h3>
3. So what do we do about this?<o:p></o:p></h3>
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There are two things for you to take away from this
introduction to today. (1) Lawyers, governments and public bodies will seek to
protect your information privacy but they can only go so far. By Article 8 of
the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union you all have the right
to the protection of personal data concerning him or her. In addition UN
Special Rapporteur Frank La Rue has proposed that the right to privacy (online)
should only be subject to restrictions or limitations under certain exceptional
circumstances. More recently the UN General Assembly unanimously adopted a
resolution aimed at protecting the right to privacy online in December 2013.
The resolution, introduced by Germany and Brazil “affirms that the same rights
that people have offline must also be protected online, including the right to
privacy.” The resolution calls on UN members to establish or maintain
independent and effective oversight methods to ensure transparency, when
appropriate, and accountability for state surveillance of communications, their
interception and collection of personal data. Such resolutions though are not
legally binding. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Outside of the information privacy sphere though we all have
a right to privacy and to respect for our communications under both Article 12
of the UDHR and Article 8 of the ECHR. The problems with all these legal orders
are though twofold: (1) They all come with exceptions and restrictions. In
Art.12 it says, “No one shall be subjected to <b>arbitrary</b> interference with his privacy, family, home or
correspondence while in Art.8 it states “There shall be no interference by a
public authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in
accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the
interests of national security, public safety or the economic wellbeing of the
country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health
or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.”
Meanwhile Art.8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights is similarly restricted
“Such data must be processed fairly for specified purposes and on the basis of
the consent of the person concerned or <b>some
other legitimate basis laid down by law</b>.” (2) The second issue is these
transnational orders regulate states and governments not private citizens such
as Google and Facebook (who are US citizens). Controlling private citizens,
especially those who trade multinationally is more complex (and it has to be
said expensive). <o:p></o:p></div>
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The best way to protect your privacy? Keep things to
yourself. Reclaim your privacy. Think before you tweet, update your Facebook
page, send a Snapchat or send an IM. Remember once it is outwith your control
nothing is private.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-7085156162592396132013-09-26T06:53:00.001-07:002015-05-28T04:53:08.184-07:00Legal Questions, Twitter, Speech and Public Relations<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.blogcdn.com/travel.aol.co.uk/media/2012/09/easyjet1-1345027696.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.blogcdn.com/travel.aol.co.uk/media/2012/09/easyjet1-1345027696.jpg" height="213" width="320" /></a></div>
Yesterday morning I had a supervisory meeting with my Glasgow based PhD student Mark Leiser. We have such meetings about once a month and they are usually fun affairs with us bouncing ideas off each other and then Mark going off to develop his latest case study development or writing up his methodology. Yesterday's meeting was a little different as Mark started by telling me that it was lucky he had made it to London in time for our meeting and then turning his phone off so that he wouldn't spend the entire meeting fielding calls from journalists. What had happened you may ask? Well Mark had had some difficulty the night before at Glasgow Airport as he waited to board his flight to London. I'm not going to recount the facts which are well worn - you can read all about it at <i><a href="http://www.thedrum.com/news/2013/09/25/easyjet-under-fire-after-claims-it-refused-let-drum-columnist-mark-leiser-board">The Drum</a></i>, <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/easyjet-threatens-not-to-let-passenger-board-after-he-criticises-airline-on-twitter-8838441.html" style="font-style: italic;">The Independent</a>, <i><a href="http://www.heraldsun.com.au/travel/travel-news/mark-leiser-claims-he-was-banned-from-boarding-an-easyjet-flight-after-critical-tweet/story-fni0bieo-1226727374314">The Herald Sun</a> </i>and at many <a href="https://news.google.com/news?ncl=diO63oylMjbGbMMP8IQ9SJUZWRohM&q=easyjet+leiser&lr=English&hl=en">other sources</a>.<br />
<br />
It is not the point of this blog to revisit the facts nor is it the role of this blog to defend Mark, even though he is my PhD student. Instead I thought I would try to dispassionately analyse the legal position to see who was in the right (or more right - law is never black and white) rather than assuming as most people have that Mark was in the right and easyJet in the wrong (again legally not morally or otherwise). Let's start with the original tweet that seems to have set things off - the one sent at 10.26pm:<br />
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
Flight delayed 90min. Soldier going to miss last connection & <a href="https://twitter.com/easyJet">@easyjet</a> refusing to help pay for him to get to Portsmouth. Get right into em!— Mark Leiser (@mleiser) <a href="https://twitter.com/mleiser/statuses/382617071718502400">September 24, 2013</a></blockquote>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">Now is this offensive or illegal? It's certainly not up there with Paul Chambers' January 2010 tweet "Crap! Robin Hood airport is closed. You've got a week and a bit to get your shit together otherwise I'm blowing the airport sky high!!" If I were being a bit critical of Mark's tweet I'm not sure the situation merited the use of the phrase "Get right into em!". This is a slightly ambiguous phrase which may mean lets protest verbally on twitter or it may mean something more akin to incitement to violence (knowing Mark I know that was not his intent). What does the law say? Well the obvious starting point is </span><i style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="http://www.judiciary.gov.uk/Resources/JCO/Documents/Judgments/chambers-v-dpp.pdf">Chambers v DPP</a></i><span style="font-family: inherit;">. In this the Lord Chief Justice took some time to clarify that the </span><a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/21/contents">Communications</a><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/21/contents"> Act 2003</a> (in particular<a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/21/section/127"> s.127</a>) did not interfere with our right to free expression:</span><br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">The 2003 Act did not create some newly minted interference with the first of </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">President Roosevelt’s essential freedoms – freedom of speech and expression. </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">Satirical, or iconoclastic, or rude comment, the expression of unpopular or </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">unfashionable opinion about serious or trivial matters, banter or humour, even if </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">distasteful to some or painful to those subjected to it should and no doubt will </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">continue at their customary level, quite undiminished by this legislation. Given the </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">submissions by Mr Cooper, we should perhaps add that for those who have the </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">inclination to use “Twitter” for the purpose, Shakespeare can be quoted </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">unbowdlerised, and with Edgar, at the end of King Lear, they are free to speak not </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">what they ought to say, but what they feel. [at 28]. </span></blockquote>
Thus following the logical analysis of the LCJ there was nothing wrong in Mark's tweet unless of course we interpret it as being an incitement to violence. This was also looked at in <i>Chambers</i>:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">It is elementary, and unsurprisingly there was no dispute before us, that the offence of </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">which the appellant was convicted cannot be proved unless the content of the message </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">was of a “menacing character”. Given that there is “disappointingly little coherence </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">in English law’s approach to threat offences” (Smith and Hogan’s Criminal Law, 13th </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">edition, at p.951) we do not think that an analysis of the numerous other offences </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">based on threats, including blackmail, takes the interpretation of this statutory </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">provision any further. We were told that the word “menace” is defined in the shorter </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">Oxford dictionary as “a thing threatening danger or catastrophe; a dangerous or </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">obnoxious thing or person; a great inconvenience”, and that as an intransitive verb, to </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">“menace” was to “utter menaces; be threatening”. Mr Smith submitted that no more, </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">and no less, was needed than the application of ordinary language to the context in </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">which any particular message was expressed and to all the relevant circumstances. </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">Mr Cooper suggested that for a message to be of a menacing character it must, on an </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">objective assessment, contain a threat of such a nature and extent that the mind of an </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">ordinary person of normal stability and courage might be influenced or made </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">apprehensive. Our attention was drawn to DPP v Collins, in the Divisional Court, </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">while considering the meaning to be given to “grossly offensive” within the section, </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">Sedley LJ identified the four different classes of message proscribed by s.127(1)(a). </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">In the context of a menacing message he observed: </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">“… fairly plainly, is a message which conveys a threat – in </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">other words, which seeks to create a fear in or through the </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">recipient that something unpleasant is going to happen”. [at 29].</span></blockquote>
It seems that mark did not violate the <i>Chambers' </i>principles in his relatively innocuous tweet. If we press the point though and assume he may have meant to menace then we can look at <i><a href="http://www.judiciary.gov.uk/Resources/JCO/Documents/Judgments/r-v-blackshaw-others.pdf">R v Blackshaw & Ors</a></i> (the Facebook riot case) where a determinative factor influencing the LCJ in the review of sentence was found at para 72:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">We know for a certainty that in each case a number of decent citizens were appalled </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">by what they had read, and given the widespread rioting throughout the country, </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">which at that time was spiralling out of control,<span style="color: red;"> we have no doubt that some, at least, </span></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="color: red;">of them were put in fear</span>.</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></blockquote>
No one appeared to be alarmed or put in fear as a result of Mark's tweet. The tweet was itself lawful and is in accordance with the<a href="http://www.cps.gov.uk/legal/a_to_c/communications_sent_via_social_media/"> DPP Guidelines on prosecuting cases involving communications sent via social media</a>. In particular the guidance in relation to credible threats. (Now before some wag points out that Glasgow is in Scotland and both the case law discussed and the DPP guidelines do not apply - I'm thinking you LoveandGarbage I am aware of this but there is a paucity of relevant Scottish authority and in Divin v HMA [2012] SLT 1119 the Sheriff placed reliance on the decision in <i>Blackshaw </i>in the sentencing decision.)<br />
<br />
Now the million dollar question - could easyJet deny boarding? This is trickier - In their<a href="http://www.easyjet.com/en/terms-and-conditions"> terms and conditions</a> - at 15.2 easyJet say:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-family: inherit;">We may change Our schedules and/or cancel, terminate, divert, postpone, deny boarding or delay any Flight where We consider this to be justified by circumstances beyond Our control or for reasons of safety. The provisions governing cancellations, delays and denied boarding are set out in the Convention and where applicable Regulation (EC) 261/2004.</span></blockquote>
Now obviously this was not an attempt to deny boarding because of "circumstances beyond Our control or for reasons of safety" unless they genuinely believed Mark was a risk to passengers or crew. The Convention refereed to is the <a href="http://www.peopil.com/peopil/userfiles/file/warsaw.pdf">Warsaw Convention (as amended)</a> and I can't see anything in that which would justify a denied boarding situation in this case, while the Regulation is the <a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2004:046:0001:0007:en:PDF">Compensation Regulation</a> which I believe only works in favour of Mark unless he was a safety or security risk.<br />
<br />
<b>Thereby I don't believe easyJet's terms and conditions permit them to deny boarding on the basis of a social media communication. </b><br />
<b><br /></b>
It is perhaps not a surprise that easyJet later tweeted to Mark:<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
Hi Mark, we are sorry to hear about this unfortunate incident. NO passenger will be denied boarding due to comments made on Twitter. </blockquote>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">I don't believe they could under their own T&Cs unless the person were deemed to be threatening or a risk to themselves or others. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">Perhaps the moral of the story is if you run a 24 hour business you need a 24 hour PR team managing situations like this. </span><br />
<br />
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<br />Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-29318530514429658012013-09-10T04:07:00.001-07:002013-09-10T04:07:56.748-07:00The Second Edition is Out!<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/41+FBKEuODL._SY300_.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/41+FBKEuODL._SY300_.jpg" width="278" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">Yes folks it really has been three years since the first edition came out. Thanks to all of you who bought a copy - it sold well for an academic textbook and outsold Robert Galbraith's <i>The Cuckoo's Calling</i>, at least up to the point Robert Galbraith was outed as JK Rowling. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">The new edition was officially published by OUP on the 22nd of August 2013. I've not actually seen a copy yet as my copies appear to be coming from Oxford via snail but Strathclyde University IT Law teacher <a href="http://www.strath.ac.uk/humanities/courses/law/staff/leisermarkmr/">Mark Leiser</a> has given the first review:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit;">It is a very, very
good and easy [to] read. I like the way it is laid out, and how you swing in and out
of the 1st person in places. Gives it far more a personal feel that other
cyberlaw text books out there. </span><br />
<br />
Thanks Mark! Anyway it is available in all the usual places. <a href="http://www.amazon.co.uk/Information-Technology-Law-The-Society/dp/0199661510/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1378810905&sr=8-1&keywords=murray+information+technology+law">Amazon</a> are always a bit slow at getting stock in straight away for new editions of textbooks so it may take a few days to arrive if you order from them. You can always order direct from <a href="http://ukcatalogue.oup.com/product/9780199661510.do#.Ui78ctJwohw">OUP</a> as well (or if you're a teacher get an inspection copy from them). It's got lots of exciting new stuff. including a new chapter on Social Media and Unsocial Conduct, new material on Walled Gardens and Apps and a lot of new case law. The materials on defamation and privacy have also been greatly expanded - thank you Mr. Tamiz, Mrs. Bercow and CTB (Ryan Giggs). <br />
<br />
I look forward to hearing from you all what you think of it. I think its a distillation of the first edition - hopefully it will be equally or even more useful for teachers. If anyone is using the book in teaching and you would like me to come along and meet your class (and your within a couple of hours travel from London) I would be happy to come along and give a talk.Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2022201195337983397.post-85905637495391564742013-05-14T01:15:00.002-07:002013-05-14T01:17:46.894-07:00Evolving Business Plans in a Rapidly Evolving Legal Environment<br />
<h2>
<b style="color: orange; font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: small;">This is the text of an address given at the LSE Network Economy Conference on the 13th of May 2013. </span></b></h2>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The rule of law is e</span></span><span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">ssential for the authority and
applicability of legal frameworks. Aristotle wrote “law should govern” while
Dicey created the modern rule of law framework that:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
</div>
<ol>
<li><span style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;">No
one can be punished or made to suffer except for a breach of law proved in an
ordinary court.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;">No
one is above the law and everyone is equal before the law regardless of social,
economic, or political status.</span><span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="line-height: normal;"> </span></span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;">The
rule of law includes the results of judicial decisions determining the rights
of private persons.</span></li>
</ol>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 0cm; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">Like almost
any legal conceptualisation the rule of law itself is under threat in
Cyberspace. One aspect of the Rule of Law is to ask </span><i style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">which</i><span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;"> ordinary court and </span><i style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">which</i><span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">
law applies. The generally accepted view is that you are subject to the courts
and the law of the place you are domiciled or in some circumstances do business
or cause harm. In early Cyberlaw terms <a href="http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/is02/readings/johnson-post.html">David Post and David Johnson</a> showed
there was a problem with traditional jurisdictional rules in cyberspace.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 0cm; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">The rise of the global computer
network is destroying the link between geographical
location and: (1) the power of local governments to assert control over online </span><span style="line-height: 24px;">behavior</span><span style="line-height: 150%;">; (2) the
effects of online </span><span style="line-height: 24px;">behavior</span><span style="line-height: 150%;"> on individuals
or things; (3) the legitimacy of the efforts of a local sovereign to enforce rules applicable to global
phenomena; and (4) the ability of physical
location to give notice of which sets of rules apply.<o:p></o:p></span></span></blockquote>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 0cm; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">This
breakdown affects the Rule of Law principles based, as they are upon
traditional Westphalian principles (albeit modified by supranational bodies). Thus
we see individuals being targeted extraterritorially for actions carried out in
Cyberspace but executed within the traditional Westphalian borders of a
traditional state. This is most clearly illustrated by the <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/dec/06/richard-o-dwyer-avoids-us-extradition">O’Dwyer case</a>.
Richard O’Dwyer, a student at Sheffield Hallam University, created the search
engine TVShack in December 2007. It had categories for Movies, Television,
Anime, Music and Documentaries. It included the disclaimer “TV Shack is a
simple resource site. All content visible on this site is located at 3rd party
websites. TV Shack is not responsible for any content linked to or referred
from these pages.” </span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 0cm; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 0cm; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">The site may be seen as similar to either Google or The
Pirate Bay depending upon your views but it is the events of summer 2011 and
spring 2012 which are interesting for our purpose. O’Dwyer was the subject of
an extradition request to the United States. This may have been fair enough if
his content were hosted in the United States but it were not. So a British
student faced prosecution in New York for breach of US Federal Copyright
provisions without doing business (directly) within that jurisdiction. Not even
The Pirate Bay four were treated in this fashion. You may think the UK Courts
and Government would protect their subject but no an extradition was agreed to
and only after O’Dwyer agreed to a deferred prosecution agreement was the
spectre of extradition removed. O’Dwyer is not unique others including Gary
McKinnon, Yahoo! and CompuServe have argued over such long reach attempts of
foreign courts.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 0cm; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 0cm; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">This leads me
to Joseph Raz. Raz proposed that there were several principles that may be associated
with the rule of law. Raz's principles encompass the requirements of guiding
the individual’s behaviour and minimizing the danger that results from the
exercise of discretionary power in an arbitrary fashion. Raz’s principles
include:</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 0cm; mso-add-space: auto;">
</div>
<ol>
<li><span style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">That
laws should be prospective rather than retroactive.</span></span></li>
<li><i style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Laws should be stable and not changed too frequently, as lack of
awareness of the law prevents one from being guided by it.</span></span></i></li>
<li><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><i style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">There should be clear rules and
procedures for making laws</span></i><span style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;">.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The
independence of the judiciary has to be guaranteed.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The
principles of natural justice should be observed, particularly those concerning
the right to a fair hearing.</span></span></li>
<li><span style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The
courts should have the power of judicial review over the way in which the other
principles are implemented.</span></span></li>
<li><i style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The courts should be accessible; no man may be denied justice.</span></span></i></li>
<li><span style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The
discretion of law enforcement and crime prevention agencies should not be
allowed to pervert the law. </span></span></li>
</ol>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 0cm; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">Mostly Raz’s
principles survive Cyber-transplantation but a few are challenged and for businesses and business models anything which undermines the rule of law is
potentially problematic. In particular
principles 2,3 and 7 are challenged repeatedly particularly for intermediaries
such as ISPs, SNPs and search providers. The problem for these intermediaries is
that they are gatekeepers and as such they are valuable proxy regulators for
governments, courts and supranational organisations such as the EU. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">The rules of intermediary liability are
evolving with rapid pace and this makes it difficult for ISPs and platform
hosts to plan ahead. Thus in one area, intermediary liability for defamation,
the law seemed settled following the promulgation of the <a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000L0031:EN:HTML">Ecommerce Directive</a> with
its tripartite approach of conduit, intermediary and host alongside a freedom
from monitoring requirements. This was confirmed in </span><i style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 150%;"><a href="http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/QB/2009/1765.html">Metropolitan International Schools v Designtechnica</a></span></i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">
in 2011 but latterly thrown in doubt somewhat by the Court of Appeal in <i>Tamiz</i> v <i>Google</i> where a review of the safe harbour provision for material
hosts carried out by the ECJ in a Trade Mark case (<i><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:62009CJ0324:EN:HTML">L'Oréal SA v eBay International</a></i>) appeared to significantly narrow
the entrance to the harbour. This was
then thrown into further relief in the new <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2013/26/contents/enacted">Defamation Act</a> which introduced a
new safe harbour under s.5 which although similar to the old Ecommerce
Directive safe harbour is also different in scope. The operators of sites such
as Blogger have in the space of three months seen the law change subtly but
importantly twice. This makes business planning extremely difficult.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 150%;">Obviously all businesses must plan for change but to
have such rapidly evolving law potentially undermines Raz’s second principle. This is though as naught as compared to the
evolution of rules for ISPs and other intermediaries in relation to IP
infringement. While ISPs thought they were protected by the mere conduit
protection of Article 12 of the Ecommerce Directive and the no monitoring
provision of Article 15 they have found over the years that this has become
less apparent. In France the HADOPI Law requires
ISPs to monitor internet connections at odds with at least the spirit if not
the wording of Article 15, in the UK the Digital Economy Act may require ISPs to
police infringement reports and send notification to their subscribers – thus
passing at least some enforcement costs to ISPs. As </span><span style="line-height: 150%;">Ofcom have acknowledged the Act
provides that internet service providers and copyright owners bear the cost of
sections 3 to 16, including the cost to Ofcom and an appeals body. They are
also liable to pay Ofcom's cost incurred prior to actual implementation. This,
in part, led to a Judicial Review of the Act led by leading ISPs TalkTalk and
BT. The Court of Appeal found that ISPs are not liable to pay towards Ofcom'
cost or that of an appeals body but ultimately they lost their Review and now
face associated costs. At the same time cases like <i><a href="http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/Ch/2012/268.html">Dramatico Entertainment</a> </i>have made ISPs into copyright filters by
finding the narrowest exceptions to Article 15 and <a href="http://curia.europa.eu/juris/document/document.jsf;jsessionid=9ea7d2dc30db34c149baf8e741768e46e9585f12b268.e34KaxiLc3qMb40Rch0SaxuLaxr0?text=&docid=115202&pageIndex=0&doclang=EN&mode=lst&dir=&occ=first&part=1&cid=2324716"><i>Sabam v Scarlet</i>.</a> Thus Belgian ISPs do not filter or block while UK
ISPs do. The same principle applies in Article 15 yet a different legal
approach is taken. Meanwhile the Commission consults on the IPR enforcement
(IPRED directive) – this asks whether it is possible for a right holder to use
the notification <i>to ask an intermediary
to impede access to goods or services</i>
that he considers to be infringing his IPRs and that are offered through the
services of this intermediary? This is a
potential statutory form of the HADOPI/DEA principle for the EU (in breach of
the spirit of Articles 12 and 15) and also reintroduces something very like the
defeated ACTA principles into EU Law – who would be an intermediary? How can
you plan with certainty in such a legal environment?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">We can
clearly see an assault on the second of Raz’s principles here but what about
the others I have highlighted? The third and seventh. Well the third principle
is highlighted in the current <a href="http://www.edri.org/edrigram/number11.4/ipred-consultation-edri-guide">consultation on the IPRED directive</a>. ACTA was
clearly defeated in Parliament. The Ecommerce Directive and the Telecoms
package are clearly still Parliamentary intent yet the Commission continues to
introduce similar measures attempting stealth.
If these fail don’t worry you can always introduce a Copyright Alert
System without the need for legislation at all. More problematic are long reach
provisions such as those seen in the O’Dwyer case where laws made in one place
affect those in another place. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Finally Raz’s
seventh principle. Well the problem with the internet is publish once publish
everywhere (ask O’Dwyer). You may find yourself subject to any court in any
jurisdiction with costs potentially out of control. It is often the party with
the greatest resources who triumphs. Don’t like what someone says about you –
raise an action in the UK (expensive); want to argue a trade mark dispute, try
France (claimant friendly); have a copyright dispute (The US is your friend).
It is easy to game the system(s) meaning that smaller counterparties rarely can
afford justice – this is a breach of Raz’s seventh principle. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">To be honest
if I was advising a client, from a purely legal standpoint, on the setting up
of an online business I would advise them to keep well out. Of course the economic
advantages are huge but calculating your risks and managing them within your
business model is extremely difficult if you can’t rely upon the rule of
law. </span><span style="font-size: medium;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
Andrew Murrayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12734641619783704977noreply@blogger.com1